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This book explores the possibility that Plato's philosophia is influenced by non-agonal practices and values that historically and philosophically antedate the agonal practices of the Athenian ekklesia. The author surveys literature concerning the predominance of agonal in ancient Greek culture, the values associated with oral poetic performance as a religious practice, and the ubiquitous character of the gift practice known as xenia in the ancient world. The author compares the structure of the agon to the structure of other ancient practices, and reasons that while agonistic practices are oppositional and binary, poetic and social practices are narrative and plural and exemplify, alternative to the agonal, the value of charisgrace. Reading Socratic speech and Socratic inquiry in terms of charis illuminates the narrative structure of Plato's portrayal of Socrates and precludes one-dimensional analyses of Plato's writings as philosophically agonistic and demonstrative. Rather the value of Socratic charis illustrates the value of genuine dialogue, and the author suggests how revaluing Socratic dialogue in light of charis can be relevant to current thinking about philosophy, politics, and the agon.

Intelligent and Honest Radicals explores the Chicago labor movement's relationship to Illinois legal and political system especially as seen through the eyes of the Chicago Federation of Labor (CFL). Newton-Matza focuses on the significant era between the great strike in 1919 and Franklin D. Roosevelt's inauguration and the beginning of the New Deal in 1933. He brings to light a number of victories and achievements for the labor movement in this period that are often overlooked. Newton-Matza shows the Chicago labor movement as a progressive agency intent on changing the workers' world through words and peaceful actions, drawing upon their personal experiences and ideology.

Many people have experienced or witnessed situations in which people drinking alcohol get aggressive, obnoxious, and violent. Scientific research has shown evidence of a relationship between alcohol and violence, and even evidence that alcohol plays a role in causing violent and aggressive responses. The book explores a number of aspects of this relationship. If you have been drinking are you more likely to be a victim of crime? If victimized, does drinking alcohol make you more likely to be injured? How does availability of alcohol in the community influence rates of violence among Mexican American youth? Does advertising that links sex and alcohol result in higher rates of sexual assault in Latino neighborhoods? How do elementary school children react to experimentation with drugs, alcohol, and aggression? Do countries outside the United States have alcohol and violence problems, and do these impact men and women differently? We presents original research that shows the depths and conditions under which alcohol and violence are linked, further strengthening the evidence that alcohol use and availability is an important factor in violence in our cities, neighborhoods, school, and homes. The good news is that we regulate alcohol use and availability effectively, with a body of established laws and procedures. We can, therefore, find ways using this existing system to develop new ways to prevent the alcohol related violence studied here. The second half of the book begins this task by laying out the principles of environmental prevention, a strategy that has been very successful in a number of health and safety related domains. The next four chapters show just how environmental prevention strategies have worked, and worked very effectively, to lower rates of violence by reducing alcohol availability and alcohol consumption. The research reported here shows communities different approaches and mechanisms to achieve reductions in violence, and they provide a road map for communities everywhere to follow suit and reduce alcohol related violence. Reducing violence can be accomplished, everyone can do it if they work together, and the result is a safer and better society.

Recognizing Justice for Citizens with Cognitive Disabilities, Kacey Brooke Warren searches for a theory of justice that can adequately address these concerns. Students and scholars of philosophy, political theory, and disability studies will benefit from Warren's discussion of four of the most influential contemporary theories of justice and her analysis of which of the four is most promising for extending political equality and political liberty to citizens with cognitive disabilities.

Stealing Things traces the representations of thieves and thievery in nineteenth-century French novels. Re-reading canonical texts by Balzac, the Comtesse de Segur, and Zola through the lens of crime, Peters highlights bourgeois anxiety about ownership and objects while considering the impact of literature on popular attitudes about crime and its legislation and punishment. A detailed analysis of the role of objects, this work chronicles nineteenth-century changes in legal attitudes, popular mentalities, and individual and social identity, focusing particularly on the resulting transformations in representations of gender, class, and (criminal) subjectivity.

The book attempts to provide a wide overview of key ethical matters in the philosophy of sport: What is fair play? Is strategic fouling legitimate? What is the role of cheating and gamesmanship in sport? What can be said about doping and physical enhancement? How can we approach gender issues that come from the core of the practice of sport? Does sport share any common characteristics, or even roots, with racism, violence or nationalism? Should cyborgathletes compete in equal conditions with organic athletes? What can we do with new technologies in sport? In the book there is an analyse of all possible solutions that the main authors or contemporary sport philosopher has brought forward on a topic, and after having laid out the current panorama, the author deal with each of them directly and personally.

The Indian uprisings (185758) against British rule in India represent an iconic period within the history of anti-colonial resistance. Numerous works have considered these historical events from British and Indian perspectives, but none have yet questioned how they were viewed by Britain's foremost colonial rival in India, the French. The French Colonial Imagination examines how the potential for Britain to lose its most lucrative colony at the hands its own colonial ';subjects' allowed French writers to envisage a world freed from British dominance. The uprisings offered the attractive possibility that France could undergo a colonial revival in the wake of British defeat, thereby reversing the devastating losses inflicted upon France's former empire at the end of the Napoleonic Wars. Notable among these losses was Britain's decision (in the Treaty of 1814) to permanently reduce France's presence in India to five small trading posts scattered around the periphery of British territory. The extent to which to the French colonial imagination of the nineteenth century was shaped by the memories of such defeats forms a primary concern of this monograph. This investigation into French responses to the Indian uprisings reveals that French colonial discourse was determined as much by its visions of the colonized ';other,' as by the dominance of their British rivals. Drawing from journalistic, historical, political, and fictional texts written during Louis Napoleon's Second Empire (185270) and in the early years of the Third Republic (18701944), The French Colonial Imagination shows how the uprisings gave French writers the opportunity to speak out against the rapacity of British colonialism and its treatment of colonized Indians, while simultaneously constructing a competing colonial discourse that would justify further expansion in North Africa and South East Asia. Standing at a crossroads between the ';loss' of Ancien Regime's empire and the Third Republic's ideological investment in overseas expansion, this understudied period of colonial history reveals the centrality of loss, fracture, and political emasculation as core preoccupations haunting the French colonial discourse in its quest to regain cultural and ideological ascendancy over its greatest political enemy.

As American soldiers fought overseas in Vietnam, American churchmen debated the legitimacy and impact of the war at home. While the justness of the war was the primary issue, they also argued over conscientious objection, the legitimacy of protests, the weapons of war, and other related topics. Divided into three primary groupsmainline, conservative evangelical, and African Americanand including fourteen denominations, this book uses the churchmen's publications and proceedings to better understand how American religion responded to and was impacted by the Vietnam War. In the various debates, churchmen brought their theological convictions and reading of the Bible to bear on their political perspectives. Convictions about sin, the nature of man, the fate of the world, violence and benevolence had direct impact upon the foreign policy perspectives of these churches. Rather than result in static political positions, these convictions adapted as the nature of the war and the likelihood of American success changed over time.The positions taken by American denominations brought about attitudes of support, opposition, and ambivalence toward the war, but also impacted the vibrancy of many churches. Some groups were rent asunder by the fractious, debilitating debate. Other churches, due to their greater ideological clarity and unanimity, saw the war provide an impetus for growth. Regardless of the individual consequences, the debate over the Vietnam War provides a concrete study of the intersection of religion and politics.

The Iraq War of March 19, 2003 was an implausible war at the outset. We now understand that it could have been averted and never should have been waged. How and why did it begin? Who was responsible? This book offers a new perspective on the Iraq War and explains the dynamic relationships between the George W. Bush administration, the United States Congress, and the national news media. It is based on the ';multiple streams model of political change' by John Kingdon, which says that if a unique combination of political, policy, and problem streams collide, under the right circumstances, they can create a window of opportunity for a shift in policy. It was the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001, which set the stage for the emergence of three dynamic streams in the country. Fear, power, and a contentious political climate converged to produce not only a dramatic new foreign policy, but also a war with Iraq, a country which had not provoked or threatened the United States. Fear, power, and a tense political climate also influenced institutional behavior and exposed the failures of 1) The executive branch in the administration of George W. Bush, 2) The United States Congress and, 3) the national news media. All are designed and are differently responsible to protect the interests of the American people.Errors in judgment have happened throughout history with other administrations, with other Congresses, and with the news media. However, with regard to the Iraq War, it was a matter of degree and extent, especially for the President of the United States. Both the Congress and the news media were also experiencing colossal institutional changes, which influenced and hindered their performances. However, all were culpable in helping to create the Iraq war, which today stands as one of the longest military conflicts in United States history.

Most publications on the political situation in Venezuela are journalistic and lack a scientific, and particularly sociological, approach. Chavez's Children: Ideology, Education, and Society in Latin America is the first sociological work on the ideological system in Venezuela. This book deals with the deep social structures of Chvez's power, its origins, its evolution in history, its dynamics, its institutionalizations, and its relationships with the educational system. By using an empirical analysis of Bolivarian schools and fieldwork on over 300 students, Chavez's Children reconstructs the history of revolutionary movements in Venezuela and advocates a model of analysis on Latin American socio-revolutionary phenomena. This English language edition will be a great opportunity for Latin American experts as well as interested readers to uncover the system behind Chvez's power.

This is a study of Chinese gentry women's poems on the theme of travel written during the late imperial period (ca.16001911), when Chinese women's literature and culture flourished as never before. It challenges the cliched image of completely secluded and immobile women anxiously waiting inside their prescribed feminine space, the so-called inner quarters, for the return of traveling husbands or other male kin. The travel poems discussed in this book, while not necessarily representative of all of the women writers of this period, point to the fact that many of them longed to explore the world through travel as did so many of their male counterparts. Sometimes they were able to actualize this desire for travel and sometimes they were forced to resort to imaginary ';armchair travel.' In either case, women writers often used poetry as a means of recording their experiences or delineating their dreams of traveling outside the inner quarters, and indeed sometimes far away from the inner quarters. With its promise of adventure and fulfillment and, above all, a broadening of one's intellectual and emotional horizons, travel was an important, and until now understudied, theme of late imperial women's poetry.

Hope and Fear in Margaret Chase Smiths America: A Continuous Tangle provides a fresh interpretation of the life, career, and legacy of former United States Senator Margaret Chase Smith, the first woman elected to both houses of the U.S. Congress. The book examines the critical connections made by Smith to key policymakers, links that allowed her to overcome opposition and prejudice to gain access, influence, and power in Washington, D.C. Highlighting the tangle of personalities and events in America from 1940 to 1972, the book focuses on Smith's courageous and often solitary efforts on behalf of women during the 1940s, and her stand during the McCarthy era which earned her a national reputation for civility in public discourse. It also examines her key interactions with the group of U.S. Senators who were elected with her in 1948 and their work to forge public policy in the aftermath of McCarthyism, including domestic and international policy following Sputnik, the creation of the Space Program, civil rights, Vietnam, and Medicare. Against these events and activities, the book demonstrates the impact of the nation's commitment to anticommunism and nuclear weapons which allowed politicians like Margaret Chase Smith to embrace contradictory stances on political dissent, military policy, and the role of government in American society.

In The Moral Discourse of Health in Modern Cairo: Persons, Bodies, and Organs, Mohammed Tabishat posits that health care practices in Egypt constitute an index to read the way political, economic, and social conditions are experienced by those who use, embody, or live them and cope with their outcomes. These practices carry the code of the socio-cultural matrix in which they are embedded; they speak of the rationalities of different help-seeking efforts. In doing so, they represent the moral principles underlying the social efforts to alleviate pain and maintain life as a whole. Health-related practices in this sense constitute a critical platform to know, feel and live in both the physical and moral sense.

Classify and Label: The Unintended Marginalization of Social Groups is a philosophical treatment of classification in the social sciences and everyday life, focusing on moral, social, and political implications. The use of labels is essential to how people navigate and understand the world. Classifications and labels also have a dark side, as they may unintentionally misrepresent groups and individuals. These misrepresentations disrupt how people think about themselves and how they treat others, sometimes leading to marginalization. Matt L. Drabek analyzes classification by considering rich case studies across a variety of domains, including the classification of gender and sexual orientation, the psychiatric classification of sadomasochism and gender disorders, and the classification of people in everyday life through the production of pornography and use of gender identities. This broad sample reveals deep connections between the classifications proposed by social scientists and the classifications used by society at large. Drabek explores how classifications evolve from and eventually affect such seemingly disconnected issues as the situation of under-represented groups in academia, new models of parenting and the family, the nature of sexual orientation, and the nature of scientific bias.

Women in Uzbekistan have been labeled as victims of patriarchy and submissive, voiceless bodies who lack agency and decision-making power. They are also often symbolized as preservers of rituals and culture and also the victims of socio-economic transformations. During the years of land tenure changes from collectivization to de-collectivization, World War II and the five-year plan economy, women played a vital role in pursuing a diverse range of livelihood opportunities to sustain their families and communities. But what kind of livelihood activities do women pursue in rural areas in Uzbekistan? What do they think about themselves? Do they exercise agency? What are their values, desires, dreams, and inspirations in the post-Soviet period in Uzbekistan? Women's Lives and Livelihoods in Post-Soviet Uzbekistan presents women's voices and their experiences of carrying out livelihood activities such as farming, trading, baking, sewing, building greenhouses, and establishing furniture workshops. In a major contribution to the study of post-Soviet transformations, Zulfiya Tursunova demonstrates how women exercise multi-dimensional empowerment by joining social and economic saving networks such as gap and chernaya kassa. These networks represent a collective movement and action against economic dependency of women on men and the state micro-loan bank system. The networks that do not require external donor interventions have been able to empower women for social justice, knowledge, redistribution of resources, and conflict resolution in ways that are vital to community development. Tursunova provides accounts of such ceremonies as mavlud, ihson, Bibi Seshanba, and Mushkul Kushod. These ceremonies show the ways the conflict resolution practices of women are woven into their everyday life, and function autonomously from the hierarchical elite-driven Women's Committees and state court systems established in the Soviet times. Many local healers and otins (religious teachers) use their discursive knowledge, based on Islam, Sufism, shamanism, and animism to challenge and transform women's subordination, abuse, and other practices that impinge on women's needs and rights. These female religious leaders, through different ceremonial practices, create space for raising the critical consciousness of women and transform the social order for maintaining peace in the communities.

Based on personal interviews, Prayer Shawl Ministries and Women's Theological Imagination uncovers the theological creativity of Christian lay women quietly stitching their own sacred fabric. From the origins of prayer shawl ministry in feminist and ecumenical thought, the movement has grown to hundreds of groups, composed mostly of women over 60, in denominations across the political and doctrinal spectrum. Through participation in handcrafting ministries, participants reflect on themes that sometimes complement and sometimes challenge the public stances of their communities. Women in prayer shawl ministries develop commitments to broad inclusion, reject the intrusion of market forces, and realize their productive power. Out of their traditional roles as caretakers, they craft compassion into a conscious, theologically-rich practice. Out of their historical subordination, they cultivate trust in divine providence and hope for the preservation of their legacy. Listening to their ideas, convictions, and concerns, and connecting them to findings from multiple scholarly fields, this book seeks to disclose the convergences and complexity of ordinary women's theological thinking and behavior.

The Role Ethics of Epictetus: Stoicism in Ordinary Life offers an original interpretation of Epictetus's ethics and how he bases his ethics on an appeal to our roles in life. Epictetus believes that every individual is the bearer of many roles from sibling to citizen and that individuals are morally good if they fulfill the obligations associated with these roles. To understand Epictetus's account of roles, scholars have often mistakenly looked backwards to Cicero's earlier and more schematic account of roles. However, for Cicero, roles are merely a tool in the service of the virtue of decorum where decorum is one of the four canonical virtuesprudence, justice, greatness of spirit, and decorum. In contrast, Epictetus sets those virtues aside and offers roles as a complete ethical theory that does the work of those canonical virtues.This book elucidates the unique features of Epictetus's role based ethics. First, individuals have many roles and these roles are substantial enough that they may conflict. Second, although Epictetus is often taken to have only a sparse theory of appropriate action (or ';duty' in older translations), Brian E. Johnson examines the criteria by which appropriate action is measured in order to demonstrate that Epictetus does have an account of appropriate action and that it is grounded in his account of roles. Finally, Epictetus downplays the Stoic ideal of the sage and replaces that figure with role-bound individuals who are supposed to inspire each of us to meet the challenges of our own roles. Instead of looking to sages, who have a perfect knowledge and action that we must imitate, Epictetus's new ethical heroes are those we do not imitate in terms of knowledge or action, but simply in the way they approach the challenges of their roles.The analysis found in The Role Ethics of Epictetus will be of great value both to students and scholars of ancient philosophy, ethics and moral philosophy, history, classics, and theology, and to the educated reader who admires Epictetus.

The Risky Business of French Feminism: Publishing, Politics, and Artistry examines the institutional history of the publishing house Editions des Femmes as well as its relationship to the French Women's Liberation Movement (MLF) from 1972 to the present. The founding and subsequent success of Editions des Femmes in the publishing milieu intensified the ideological divisions within the MLF and highlighted the extent to which that movement failed to adequately reflect on the power inherent in its recourse to print culture as an agent of change. In particular, Editions des Femmes produced several periodical publications and pioneered a woman-centered subculture that attached militant political meanings to the practice of buying and publishing books. While the MLF succeeded in changing legislation detrimental to women, it was not able to create unified cultural politics or construct a long-term media strategy that could preserve the movement's original ideals and unity. Jennifer L. Sweatman explores the long-term dissipation of the MLF as a unified force not only as an outcome of ideological disagreement, but also due to conflicting views on culture, women's creativity as a strategy for empowerment, and the utility of media for creating change. As the MLF fragmented, unable to fully come to terms with its various consumer identities, its need for capital to support creative projects, and its difficult experience with collective decision-making, the Editions des Femmes' project was seen as incredibly controversial. However, Editions des Femmes embodied a broader strategy for cultural transformation that privileged women's creative works rather than feminism, situating it as a successful forerunner of the revitalization of the publishing industry from below as small, independent houses challenged the large, media conglomerate control of the industry.

A nonconformist, unifier, husband of three deceased wives, victim of religious persecution, and author of what has been collected into six volumes of reprinted Works, John Flavel (c.1630-1691) of Dartmouth, England not only had an immense following during his own lifetime, but deeply influenced those who would set the course as shapers of religion and culture in the generations to follow: Matthew Henry, Increase Mather, John Newton, Jonathan Edwards, George Whitefield, William Wilberforce, Archibald Alexander, and Charles Spurgeon. Flavel's influence remained strong until the end of the nineteenth century, whenfor various reasons presented in this study seek to showhistoriographical, philosophical, and Christian literature ceased to recognize his life or thought. It has only been within the last decade that scholarly work has begun to uncover this ';lost' Puritan and see him as a significant resource for understanding life and thought in Stuart England as well as the religious life of the early American colonies. The first book of its kind, John Flavel:Puritan Life and Thought in Stuart England aims to reveal Flavel as both a significant and influential English Puritan as well as present the salient elements of his life and thought.

In this book, Melinda Kovcs analyzes various areas of Hungarian political discourse: newspapers, party websites, informational books on the EU, and government-produced brochures sent to all households in Hungary. The inquiry is supported by an understanding of politics as achieving and negotiating change in discourse, which is not to be equated with simple language use. In addition to language, discourse also encompasses the meanings shared by members of a political community, along with the conventions of what is possible or plausible in politics. In the case of Hungary at the start of the twenty-first century, it is quite plausible to promote ethno-nationalism and it is quite possible to understand Hungarian political community in terms of historical references different from or devoid of communism and post-communism. An exploration of discourses generated between 1999 and 2013 reveals that while political developments in recent years have been a cause for legitimate concern, Hungarian political discourse has been making these developments plausible.

Thematically, this book problematizes Iranian official nationalism. It reviews how every modern Iranian regime since the constitutional revolution of the 1905-06 has failed to legitimize its official identity, resulting in the fall of five different regimes. The book details how the collapse of each regime resulted in the interruption of the official meaning of being Iranian, as well as the meanings of its enemies. What remained the same was how every Iranian regime represented itself as the agent of a particular national desire defined in terms of making Iran to become sovereign, developed, democratic, and constitutional. Nonetheless, no regime was able to convince a great majority of the people that it achieved what it represented. This book makes three specific contributions. The first contribution is pedagogical. By focusing on the dynamics of regime changes, it provides a heuristic model for identifying challenges that all Iranian regimes have faced. Moreover, the book is a comprehensive review of the disruptive, oppressive, and bloody nature of the rise and fall of different regimes. The second contribution is theoretical. Rather than examining the behavior of various Iranian regimes in isolation from their international context, the book examines how each regime got to understand itself in relations to its imperial others. By examining the governmental rationality of each regime, the book offers a better theoretical framework for understanding political development not only in Iran, but also in all other Middle Eastern and South Asian states. Finally, the third contribution of this book is its critical approach to the main body of the literature on Iran, modernity, development, democracy, and constitutionalism.

Although democracy is in principle associated with popular rule, in practice it is best described as rule by elected elites. This form of government is not only wanting from a theoretical point of view, but it also no longer seems to meet the expectations of large segments of the citizenry. This book offers a blueprint for an alternative democratic model, democracy as popular sovereignty. Starting with the idea that the people, generously defined, are sovereign when they rule as equally valuable and fully participating members of a self-governing collectivity, this model tries to describe the constitutional and institutional arrangements necessary to achieve a workable version of this idea in advanced democratic states. This implies among other changes a greater dose of direct democracy, the use of sortition and a different conception of representation. The overall argument developed combines insights, facts, and findings from normative political theory, empirical political science, democracy's long history as well as from the recent burgeoning literature on participatory and deliberative democracy.

More than twenty-five years after the fall of the Berlin Wall and the end of the Cold War, this book looks afresh at some of the lasting legacies of that period in history. It does so by focusing on individual life trajectories of a group of people whose adolescence was shaped by the politics of socialism and the transitions within it. Through their life histories, Legacies of Socialist Solidarity offers an alternative reading of Mozambique's socialist past with important repercussions for the present. At the center of the book are the life histories of a group of then youth who attended one of the largest educational exchange projects between two socialist countries, Mozambique and former East Germany, in the 1980s. Having been educated in East Germany to become part of a future socialist elite back home, the book's protagonists returned to a Mozambique that had meanwhile embarked on the new path of capitalist development. Their qualifications and skills were of little relevance, and the new Mozambican government regarded them as a threat rather than an asset. The book analyzes the life courses of some of those who spent their adolescence in East Germany with a focus on personal aspirations, political orientation, collective memories, and shared horizons. It shows lasting legacies of socialist beliefs and practices. In placing those into the context of the broader political developments in Mozambique, the book explores an important dimension for the understanding of contemporary Mozambique. In addition, it makes a significant contribution to the comprehension of socialist cosmopolitanism and resulting patterns of identity and belonging, and to the wider literature on post-socialist change, the decentering of Cold War histories, and the pervasiveness of the political in everyday lives.

Financial services regulators are tasked with balancing the conflicting roles of empowering and policing their regulated communities. In order to be effective, agencies must be able to accomplish both tasks. This analysis examines several determinants of effectiveness among U.S. bank regulators.Using statistical and narrative analyses, it examines factors that have contributed to the regulatory effectiveness of the National Credit Union Administration, Office of the Comptroller of the Currency, and Office of Thrift Supervision. The study focused on the relationships between regulatory ability to prevent failures and influences including agency longevity, ability to manage complexity, appointee and staff qualities, mission stability, regulatory style, and resources. Agency longevity and resources had the greatest impact on effectiveness among the cases that were examined. Additionally, this study proposes a typology that suggests that more effective regulators are able to balance information from their regulated communities with a public interest orientation. This allows them to have current information regarding emerging regulatory issues but also to avoid becoming too reliant on their supervised institutions for information. By not being overly reliant or out of touch with their regulated communities, agency can better foster regulatory resiliency.

Life as Art brings the resources of contemporary aesthetics since Nietzsche to bear on the problems of how one integrates the aesthetic emphases of meaning, liberation, and creativity into one's daily life. By linking together the aesthetic and ethical accounts of critical theorists, phenomenologists, and existentialists into a coherent view on the artful life, Life as Art shows the ways in which much of contemporary Continental theory has been concerned with alternative ways of constructing one's own life. Seen as a unified phenomenon, life as art signifies an active attempt to create a life which bears the resistance, openness, and creativity found in artworks.

Unlike any text to date, this revolutionary study surveys Black research and literature to determine the processes formal education uses to dehumanize Black students. This is a socio-historical analysis of the Black Flame trilogy (BFT), W. E. B. Du Bois's unparalleled, thirty-year study of Atlanta, Georgia from Black Reconstruction (1860 1880) to 1956. W.E.B. Du Bois is one of the most prescient sociologists of the twentieth century in his research of Black people in America. These ground-breaking novels establish racialization, colonization, and globalization as processes that continue to dehumanize Black students in education. Africana critical theory (ACT), critical race theory (CRT), and Post Traumatic Slave Syndrome (PTSS) privilege the research, voice, and experiences of Blacks. These theoretical frames speak to the pain and effects of the impact of unchecked, gross, voyeuristic violence that helps define the White supremacist patriarchal culture in which we live. Straight forward and direct, this book show how the processes of dehumanization contribute to the legacy of trauma White supremacy exacts upon Black people and their humanity. This study is aimed at highlighting the stark disparities in Black and White education over times. This book offers a candid look at how the myth of Black inferiority and the metaphor of the achievement gap describe conscious economic deprivation, mob violence and intimidation, and White supremacist curricula, yet continues to imply long-standing cultural notion of Blacks intellectual inferiority. This research is offered to help mitigate the multigenerational education trauma Blacks have experienced since Reconstruction to envision a educational system that is efficacious and socially just in the distribution of resources, expanding diversity in curricula, and exposing pedagogical biases that traumatize not only Black people but all people.

American Fascism and the New Deal demonstrate how fascist ideas gained popularity in the Associated Farmers of California during the 1930s and 40s. It shows that the politics of the intervening decades created economic and political policies that planted the seeds for these fascist ideas by forming alliances between the corporate-private realm and the state-public realm. These same alliances made FDR and subsequent political figures rethink the direction they wanted to take American democracy. Through a careful analysis of the Associated Farmers of California, Nelson A. Pichardo Almanzar and Brian Kulik show how the AFC formed positions in direct alliance with fascist ideas, but also why these ideas resonate with so many people even to this day.American Fascism and the New Deal will be of particular interest to sociologists, especially social movement theorists; Chicana/o studies scholars; political scientists; business ethicists; and historians.

Access to water and sanitation service in industrialized countries is nearly taken for granted, but in many developing countries less than half of the population has access to such services. Decades of effort on a global scale have been invested to solve this problem. One such effortBrazil's participatory approach to water and sanitationis Nance's subject in Engineers and Communities. In the early 1980s, Brazilian engineers created participatory sanitation (known locally as condominial sewerage) to make basic sanitation service more inclusive. Fiercely contested at first, the technology's success hinged on the formation of strong and stable coalitions of diverse actors and on the promotion of both real participation and a participation narrative. The innovations described in the book contributed to the now indispensable concepts of community participation and locally appropriate technology. Today the technology has spread across Brazil- it has been legally incorporated into sewer design norms and codes, it is counted in the national census, and the model is being transferred to other countries by The World Bank and others who are trying to make basic urban services more inclusive of the poor. Engineers and Communities sheds light on what is essential in the broader discourse of international development.

Eckstorm was the daughter of a fur trader living in Maine who published six books and many articles on natural history, woods culture, and Indian language and lore. A writer from Maine with a national readership, Eckstorm drew on her unique relationship with both Maine woodsmen and Maines Native Americans that grew out of the time she spent in the woods with her father. She developed a complex system of work largely based on oral tradition, recording and interpreting local knowledge about animal behavior and hunting practices, boat handling, ballad singing, Native American languages, crafts, and storytelling. Her work has formed the foundation for much scholarship in New England folklore and history and clearly illustrates the importance of indigenous and folk knowledge to scholarship. Fannie Hardy Eckstorm and Her Quest for Local Knowledge, 18651946 reveals an important story which speaks directly to contemporary issues as historians of science, social science and humanities begin to re-evaluate the nature, content, and role of indigenous and folk knowledge systems. Eckstorms life and work illustrate the constant tension between local lay knowledge and the more privileged scientific production of academics that increasingly dominated the field from the early twentieth century. At the time Eckstorm was writing, the growth in professionalism and eclipse of the amateur led to a reorganization of knowledge. As increasing specialization defined the academy, indigenous knowledge systems were dismissed as unscientific and born of ignorance. Eckstorm recognized and lauded the innate value of traditional knowledge that could, for example, fell trees in the interior of Maine and ship them internationally as finished lumber.

Political communities are constituted through the representation of their own origin. The Iroquois and the Athenians is a philosophical exploration of the material traces left by that constitutional act in the political practices of the classical Iroquois and Athenians. Tempering Kant with Nietzsche this work offers an account of political action that locates the roots of justice in its radical impossibility, an aporia in place of a foundation. Instead of mythical references to a state of nature or an act of the founding fathers, the Iroquois and the Athenians recognized that political legitimacy can never be established, in principle, but must be continually enacted, repeated, a repetition that stimulates the withdrawal of natural foundations and holds open the site of any possible democracy.For philosophers and political theorists, this is a unique, hybrid deployment of Kant (the transcendental move) and Nietzsche (the use of history), offering a new view of the origins of Democracy. Scholars in Native American Studies will find much of value in its unprecedented use of traditional Iroquois political discourse and practice as a resource for mainstream political philosophy. Finally, scholars of ancient Greece and Classics will appreciated its novel presentation of ancient Greek political discourse and political practice.