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Imagining Slaves and Robots in Literature, Film, and Popular Culture: Reinventing Yesterdays Slave with Tomorrows Robot is an interdisciplinary study that seeks to investigate and speculate about the relationship between technology and human nature. It is a timely and creative analysis of the ways in which we domesticate technology and the manner in which the history of slavery continues to be utilized in contemporary society. This text interrogates how the domestic slaves of the past are being re-imaged as domestic robots of the future. Hampton asserts that the rhetoric used to persuade an entire nation to become dependent on the institution of chattel slavery will be employed to promote the enslavement of technology in the form of humanoid robots with Artificial Intelligence. Imagining Slaves and Robots in Literature, Film, and Popular Culture makes the claim that science fiction, film, and popular culture have all been used to normalize the notion of robots in domestic spaces and relationships. In examining the similarities of human slaves and mechanical or biomechanical robots, this text seeks to gain a better understanding of how slaves are created and justified in the imaginations of a supposedly civilized nation. And in doing so, give pause to those who would disassociate America's past from its imminent future.

The Divine Manifold is a postmodern enquiry in intersecting themes of the concept and reality of multiplicity in a chaosmos that does not refuse a dimension of theopoetics, but rather defines it in terms of divine polyphilia, the love of multiplicity. In an intricate play on Dante's Divine Comedy, this book engages questions of religion and philosophy through the aporetic dynamics of love and power, locating its discussions in the midst of, and in between the spheres of a genuine philosophy of multiplicity. This philosophy originates from the poststructuralist approach of Gilles Deleuze and the process philosophical inspirations of Alfred N. Whitehead. As their chaosmos invites questions of ultimate reality, religious pluralism and multireligious engagement, a theopoetics of love will find paradoxical dissociations and harmonizations with postmodern sensitivities of language, power, knowledge and embodiment. At the intersection of poststructuralism's and process theology's insights in the liberating necessity of multiplicity for a postmodern cosmology, the book realizes its central claim. If there is a divine dimension of the chaosmos, it will not be found in any identification with mundane forces or supernatural powers, but on the contrary in the absolute difference of polyphilic love from creativity. Yet, the concurrent indifference of love and powerits mystical undecidability in terms of any conceptualizationwill lead into existential questions of the insistence on multiplicity in a world of infinite becoming as inescapable background for its importance and creativeness, formulating an ecological and ethical impulse for a mystagogy of becoming intermezzo.

Achieving security and development in the post-conflict era is a challenge with which stakeholders have to grapple. While stakeholders are quick to claim success when physical hostilities cease between the belligerents, ensuring sustainable peace has been a daunting task. In some countries in Africa, the post-conflict era is characterized by organizing elections to ensure greater political participation. It is believed that elections will begin a process of openness and trust in the governing system. A supplement to electoral democracy has been power sharing arrangements used to resolve post-election violence, and ensure stability within the state. However, what underlie most conflicts in Africa is the marginalization and lack of an enabling environment to achieve individual life objectives. Policies and strategies to achieve security and enhance development post conflict have, at best, been an extremely slow process and sometimes elusive. In Sierra Leone, for instance, though the official declaration of the end of war and the successful general elections held in 2002, 2007, and 2012 have led to some domestic stability, developmental targets in the post-conflict era have proceeded at a snail's pace. The country continues to rank at the bottom of most UNDP human development indicators since 2002.Human Security and Sierra Leone's Post-Conflict Development analyzes the extent to which human security issues have been addressed and subsequently implemented in the post-conflict reconstruction process. While Sierra Leone has made tremendous efforts at implementing reforms in the areas of political sensitization, promotion of civil rights and civil liberties, as well as personal security, the lack on the part of the government to effectively address the unemployment problem has negatively affected security and developmental targets. Thus, the post-conflict management strategies in Sierra Leone fail to secure and promote some aspects of human security, leading to fragile peace and slow progress in achieving sustainable security and development. Human security is an all-encompassing phenomenon and must be addressed to achieve overall wellbeing of the people, especially in post-conflict environments.

Niyazi Berkes (19081988) was among the most prominent figures in Turkish political thought in the Republican period. He was the author of several masterpieces that broke fresh ground in the fields of Turkish politics and history. Berkes not only witnessed political history, on several occasions he was influential in shaping Turkish identity during his long life, which began in Cyprus, where he was born in 1908, and concluded with his death in Britain in 1988. In fact, the Young Turk Revolution (1908), the War of Independence (19191922), the reforms of Kemal Ataturk (19231938), the construction of a Kemalist ideology and its transformation during the Second World War (19391944), and the Cold War (19451989) are some of the weighty matters of Turkish history that were a part of his life story. Berkes's political and intellectual biography thus affords a unique vantage point from which this book studies both Turkish political thought and examines the interplay between political history and an intellectual biography. This book also sheds light on recent political developments in contemporary Turkey, suggesting that the challenges to inculcate the democratic vision that originated in Berkes's lifetime still continue today.

In African Americans and Mass Media, Richard T. Craig explores the relationship among the lack of media ownership diversity, in addition to the political, and economical, influences, and policy developments influencing media ownership. Craig also addresses the concern of growing media monopolies and the decline in minority media ownership since the passing of the Telecommunications Act of 1996, Focusing the policy argument on this act and the deregulation of media ownership, this book explores, the jeopardy jeopardizing of diminishedas well as the influence on content. Observing Black Entertainment Television (BET) in the last five years of African American ownership and the first five years of conglomerate ownershipparalleling the first decade after the Telecommunications Act was passedthe book includes information about the changes made to information programming on the network. Craig asserts that despite the overwhelming presence of African Americans holding executive positions with the network, Viacom, BET's current owner, influences the network's programming and relegates the cultural identity of the network to profit interests. BET is observed as a case study reflective of the importance ethnic media and perspectives reflective of cultural ethnic identities, targeting ethnic audiences. African Americans and Mass Media chronicles the significance of ethnic media, drawing particular attention to African American media in the United States, and advocates for increased communication policy development bolstering minority ownership.

This book examines proclivity to genocide in the protracted killings that have continued for decades in the northern Nigeria ethno-religious conflict, spanning from the 1966 northern Nigeria massacres of thousands of Ibos up to the present, ongoing killings between extremist Muslims and Christians or non-Muslims in the region. It explores the ethnic and religious dimensions of the conflict over five phases to investigate genocidal proclivity to the killings and the extent to which religion foments and escalates the conflict.This book adopts a conceptual analytic approach of establishing similarity of genocidal patterns to the northern Nigeria ethno-religious conflict by examining genocidal occurrences and massacres in history, particularly the twentieth-century contemporary genocides, for an understanding of genocide. With this reference frame, the study structures a Genocide Proclivity Model for identifying inclinations to genocide and derives a substantive theory using the Strauss and Corbin (1990) approach.By identifying genocidal intent as underlying the various manifestations and causes of genocide in specific genocide cases, the book establishes that genocidal proclivity or the intent to exterminate the ';other' on the basis of religion and/or ethnicity underlies most of the northern Nigerian episodic, but protracted, killings. The book's analytic framework and approach are grounded in identifiable and provable evidences of specific intent to annihilate the ';other,' mostly involving extremist Muslims intent to ';cleanse' northern Nigeria of Christians and other non-Muslims through the ';exclusionary ideology' of imposition of the Sharia Law, and to ';force assimilation' or ';extermination' through massacres and genocidal killings of those who refuse to assimilate or adopt the Muslim ideology. The study establishes that the genocidal inclinations to the conflict have remained latent because of the intermittent but protracted nature of the killings and lends credence to the conception of genocidal intent and its covertness in situations of genocidal intermittency. The book unearths the latency of episodic genocide in the northern Nigeria ethno-religious conflict, prescribes recommendations, and launches a clarion call for international intervention to stop the genocide.

Higher education in the United States and elsewhere is being forced to respond to several disparate social and economic pressures: social trust and connectedness is down, empathy across citizens is deteriorating, political awareness and participation are low, and job prospects and financial security are sobering for many citizens, even the college educated. The response to these pressures is not to double down on one mission of higher education, namely job creation. Instead, higher education marching into the next decades requires an integrative approach that promotes job creation, skill development, citizen cultivation, and knowledge disseminationall oriented towards strengthening communities and providing opportunity for all citizens to pursue the good life. Across eight chapters, this book provides historical and theoretical analyses of the role of higher education in society across these four missions, as well as applied mini and extended case examples demonstrating how the four missions can be successfully integrated. The extended cases consist of one pedagogy example, a teaching initiative labeled ';joined up service learning' that represents deep partnership between the university and community, and an institutional design case of an academic research center and its work conducted in partnership with community stakeholders. Recommendations are advanced for an integrated approach to performance funding of higher education institutions, tenure and promotion expectations for faculty, and graduation requirements for students, among others.

In the last decades, the Latin American middle class is growing in size while becoming more heterogeneous. Sustained economic growth explains its increasing size, but behind its heterogeneity there is not only the diversification of lifestyles, but also the crystallization of a large process of upward social mobility of second and third generation migrants to capital cities and their incorporation into middle-class positions. In the last decades, these individuals are now part of the different spheres of socialization formerly occupied by the traditional middle class: private schools, college and universities, middle-class jobs and occupations, and traditional middle-class neighborhoods. To explore the genesis of this phenomenon and its consequences, the author studies Residential San Felipe, a quintessential traditional middle-class neighborhood in Lima, Peru, which is currently receiving an important influx of upwardly mobile families. The case of San Felipe shows that inside the contemporary middle class a strong boundary between the ';traditional middle class' and the ';new middle class' permeates the everyday life of the neighborhood. However, though this difference between the ';traditional' and ';new middle class' is recognized by all residents of San Felipe, its relevance as well as the elements at the basis of this distinction varies.

Communication Centers: A Theory-Based Guide to Training and Management offers advice based on extant research and best practices to both faculty who are asked to develop a communication center and for directors of established centers. Broken into easily understood parts, Turner and Sheckels begin with the development of communication centers, offering guidance on the history of centers, how to start a center, and, in a contribution by Kyle Love, creative approaches to marketing. They provide a communication perspective on selecting and training tutors, and then address how to train the tutors in their tasks of helping students with invention, disposition, style, memory, and delivery as well as presentation aids, including consideration of special situations and diverse populations. The authors explore ways to broaden the vision for communication centers, and conclude with chapters on techniques for assessment by Marlene Preston and on the rich rhetorical roots of communication centers by Linda Hobgood. The volume concludes with appendixes on guidelines for directors and for certification of tutor training programs. Communication Centers is a valuable resource for scholars in any stage of developing or improving a communication center at their university.

A cyborg detective hunts for a malfunctioning sex doll that turns itself into a killing machine. A Heian-era Taoist slays evil spirits with magic spells from yin-yang philosophy. A young mortician carefully prepares bodies for their journey to the afterlife. A teenage girl drinks a cup of life-giving sake, not knowing its irreversible transformative power. These are scenes from the visually enticing, spiritually eclectic media of Japanese movies and anime. The narratives of courageous heroes and heroines and the myths and legends of deities and their abodes are not just recurring motifs of the cinematic fantasy world. They are pop culture's representations of sacred subtexts in Japan. Japanese Mythology in Film takes a semiotic approach to uncovering such religious and folkloric tropes and subtexts embedded in popular Japanese movies and anime.Part I introduces film semiotics with plain definitions of terminology. Through familiar cinematic examples, it emphasizes the myth-making nature of modern-day film and argues that semiotics can be used as a theoretical tool for reading film. Part II presents case studies of eight popular Japanese films as models of semiotic analysis. While discussing each film's use of common mythological motifs such as death and rebirth, its case study also unveils more covert cultural signifiers and folktale motifs, including jizo (a savior of sentient beings) and kori (bewitching foxes and raccoon dogs), hidden in the Japanese filmic text.

Among numerous ancient Western tropes about gender and procreation, ';the seed and the soil' is arguably the oldest, most potent, and most invisible in its apparent naturalness. The Gender Vendors denaturalizes this proto-theory of procreation and deconstructs its contemporary legacy. As metaphor for gender and procreation, seed-and-soil constructs the father as the sole generating parent and the mother as nurturing medium, like soil, for the man's seed-child. In other words, men give life; women merely give birth.The Gender Vendors examines seed-and-soil in the context of the psychology of gender, honor and chastity codes, female genital mutilation, the taboo on male femininity, femiphobia (the fear of being feminine or feminized), sexual violence, institutionalized abuse, the early modern witch hunts, the medicalization and criminalization of gender nonconformity, and campaigns against women's rights. The examination is structured around particular watersheds in the history of seed-and-soil, for example, Genesis, ancient Greece, early Christianity, the medieval Church, the early modern European witch hunts, and the campaigns of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries against women's suffrage and education.The neglected story of seed-and-soil matters to everyone who cares about gender equality and why it is taking so long to achieve.

Spaces of Madness examines the role of the insane asylum in Argentine prose works published between 1889 and 2011. From a place of existential exile at the turn of the twentieth century to a symbolic representation of Argentine society during and immediately subsequent to the Dirty War, the figure of the asylum in Argentine literature has evolved along with the institution itself. The authors studied in Spaces of Madness include Manuel T. Podest, Roberto Arlt, Leopoldo Marechal, Julio Cortzar, Adolfo Bioy Casares, Juan Jose Saer, Abelardo Castillo, Ricardo Piglia, and Luisa Valenzuela.

By reminding readers that early Supreme Court justices refused to reduce the Constitution to a mere legal document, Approaching the U.S. Constitution provides a definitive response to Reading Law by Antonin Scalia and Bryan Garner. Turning to the vision of Alexander Hamilton found in Federalists No. 78, Hunter argues that rather than seeing the judiciary as America's legal guardian, Hamilton looked to independent individuals of integrity on the judiciary to be the nation's collective conscience. For Hamilton, the judiciary's authority over the legislature does not derive from positive law but is extra-legal by design and is purely moral.By emphasizing the legal expertise of judges alone, individuals such as Justice Scalia mistakenly demand that judges exercise no human ethical judgment whatsoever. Yet the more this happens, the more the ';rule of law' is replaced by the rule of lawyers. Legal sophistry becomes the primary currency wherewith society's ethical and moral questions are resolved. Moreover, the alleged neutrality of legal analysis is deceptive with its claims of judicial modesty. It is not only undemocratic, it is dictatorial and highly elitist. Public debate over questions of fairness is replaced by an exclusive legalistic debate between lawyers over what is legal. The more Scalia and Garner realize their agenda, the more all appeals to what is moral will be effectively removed from political debate. Conservatives lament the removing God from the classroom, by liberals, yet if the advocates of legalism get their way, God will be effectively removed from the polis altogether. The answer to preserving both separation of powers and the American commitment to unalienable human rights is to view the Supreme Court in the same way early founders such as Hamilton did and in the way President Abraham Lincoln urged. The Court's most important function in exercising the power of judicial review is to serve as the nation's conscience just as it did in Brown v. Board of Education.

Black journalists have vigorously exercised their First Amendment right since the founding of Freedoms Journal in 1827. World War II was no different in this regard, and Paul Alkebulan argues that it was the most important moment in the long history of that important institution. American historians have often postulated that WWII was a pivotal moment for the modern civil rights movement. This argument is partially based on the pressing need to convincingly appeal to the patriotism and self-interest of black citizens in the fight against fascism and its racial doctrines. This appeal would have to recognize long standing and well-known grievances of African Americans and offer some immediate resolution to these problems, such as increased access to better housing and improved job prospects. 230 African American newspapers were prime actors in this struggle. Black editors and journalists gave a coherent and organized voice to the legitimate aspirations and grievances of African Americans for decades prior to WWII. In addition, they presented an alternative and more inclusive vision of democracy. The African American Press in World War II: Toward Victory at Home and Abroad shows how they accomplished this goal, and is different from other works in this field because it interprets WWII at home and abroad through the eyes of a diverse black press. Alkebulan shows the wide ranging interest of the press prior to the war and during the conflict. Labor union struggles, equal funding for black education, the criminal justice system, and the Italian invasion of Ethiopia were some of subjects covered before and during the war. Historians tend to write as if the African American press was ideologically homogenous, but, according to Alkebulan, this is not the case. For example, prior to the war, African American journalists were both sympathetic and opposed to Japanese ambitions in the Pacific. A. Philip Randolphs socialist journal The Messenger accurately warned against Imperial Japans activities in Asia during WWI. There are other instances that run counter to the common wisdom. During World War II the Negro Newspaper Publishers Association not only pursued equal rights at home but also lectured blacks (military and civilian) about the need to avoid any behavior that would have a negative impact on the public image of the civil rights movement. The African American Press in World War II explores press coverage of international affairs in more depth than similar works. The African American press tended to conflate the civil rights movement with the anti-colonial struggle taking place in Africa, Asia, and the Caribbean. Alkebulan demonstrates how George Padmore and W.E.B. Du Bois were instrumental in this trend. While it heightened interest in anti-colonialism, it also failed to delineate crucial differences between fighting for national independence and demanding equal citizenship rights in ones native land.

Mark Twain has been one of the most popular American writers since 1868. This book shifts the focus of Twain studies from the writer to the reader. This study of Twain's readership and lecture audiences makes use of statistics, literary biography, twentieth-century newspapers, memoirs, diaries, travel journals, letters, literature, interviews, and reading circle reports. The book allows the audience of Mark Twain to speak for themselves in defining their relationship to his work. Twain collected letters from his readers but there are also many other sources of which critics should be aware. The voices of these readers present their views, their likesand sometimes dislikes, their emotional reactions and identification, and their deep attachment and love for Twain's characters, stories, themes, and sensibilities. Bringing together contemporary reactions to Twain and his works and those of later audiences, this book paints a portrait of the American people and of American society and culture. While the book is about Mark Twain, or Samuel Clemens, it presents a larger cultural study of twentieth-century America and the early years of the twentieth century. The book includes Twain's international audience but makes its majorly scholarly contribution in the analysis of Twain's audience in America. It analyzes the people and their values, their reading habits and cultural views, their everyday experiences in the face of the drastic changes of the emerging nation coping with cataclysmic events, such as the Industrial Revolution and the consequences of the Civil War. This book serves as a model for using the audience of a prominent writer to analyze American history, American culture, and the American psyche.This book examines a historical time and an emerging national consciousness that defined the American identity after the Civil War.

This volume explores the role race and racism played in the Texas redistricting process and the creation and passage of the state's Voter Identification Law in 2011. The author puts forth research techniques designed to uncover racism and racist intentions even in the face of denials by the public policy decision makers involved. In addition to reviewing the redistricting history of the state, this book also provides an analysis of court decisions concerning the Tenth Amendment to the Constitution, the Voting Rights Act, and a thorough discussion of the Shelby County decision. The author brings together scholarly research and the analysis of significant Supreme Court decisions focusing on race to discuss Texas' election policy process. The core of the book centers on two federal court trials where both the state's congressional, house redistricting efforts, and the Voter ID Bill were found to violate the Voting Rights Act. This is the first book that speaks specifically to the effects of electoral politics and Latinos. The author develops new ground in racial political studies calling for movement beyond the dual-race theoretical models that have been used by both the academy and the courts in looking at the effects of race on the public policy process. The author concludes that the historically tense race relations between Anglos and Latinos in Texas unavoidably affected both the redistricting process and the creation and design of the Voter ID Bill.

This study recounts the formulation of foreign and defense policies through an examination of the background of the policymakers, with specific emphasis on the World War I experience. The introduction provides an analysis of the literature of the history of this American World War II policy formulation. The events and factors that led to the reorientation of priorities in 1938-1939 are examined. From that base, Michael Carew reviews the unfolding events of the European and Japanese degeneration into war through the spring of 1940, and their perception for the American policy-makers. He also recounts the tectonic shifts of the subsequent eighteen months and the scramble for an American response. The immediate consequences of Pearl Harbor brought the policymaking to a crisis, and the Casablanca conference of January 1943 signified the completion of the formulation of American foreign policy and naval-military strategy. Carew emphasizes the leadership of President Roosevelt and his cadre of planners in the policy formulation realm, the assertion of leadership of the alliance, and Roosevelts specific tasks in managing the American war effort. These presidential tasks included the industrial mobilization of the American economy, the domestic political leadership of the war, the persuasion of the alliance to the propriety of American policy, and the defeat of the Axis powers.

The Ifugao of Northern Luzon, the Philippines, are famous for their extensive system of irrigated rice terraces, and previous anthropological accounts of the Ifugao have stressed their immense importance for social life. This book attempts to go against the grain and approach Ifugao society through an often overlooked element, namely their pigs. By a detailed ethnographic description of Ifugao cultural practices related to kinship, animism, prestige, and death, Pigs and Persons in the Philippines shows how pigs are involved in the constitution and re-constitution of relations between humans and between humans and spirits. Remme draws upon theories of relationality, performativity, and assemblages to argue that the exchange and consumption of pig meat have the ontological effect of enacting persons. He also shows how pigs are the prime means of engaging in relations with spirits and argues further that prestige can be understood as a heterogeneous assemblage of relations of which pigs play a central role. While pigs are thus constitutively involved in the enactment of persons, Remme also shows how they are operative in the re-constitution of relations that occurs at death. In documenting these practices, Remme argues for a relational understanding of personhood that goes beyond inter-human relations and includes relations with nonhuman beings, including spirits, and animals.

This book argues that post-Keynesian theories of endogenous money can be combined with Marxian analysis in order to give insight into the changing power relations between the state, finance sector and real economy since WW2. A key theme is that financial power, derived from the control of money-issue and its purchasing power, is determined by the state and market in varying proportions (depending on context) but that state sovereignty has been lost in recent decades. In addition, the growth of financial markets in recent decades, so-called financialization, has led many to assume that private finance is an important proximate driver of economic affairs in general. In contrast, the book argues that this provides insufficient explanation of events. To discuss financial factors as causes of financial crisis risks describing the phenomena without illustrating the root causes. Instead, the book argues that systemic drivers of capitalism (rooted in production), probably best understood by Marx, actually do provide a more plausible explanation of the causes of the financialization and erosion of state sovereignty. In addition, the Post-Keynesian descriptions of monetary processes are considered to best reflect the actual reality of the monetary system. This represents an interesting synthesis of the classical Marx with modern money theory. The interpretation of Marx used to explain this financial transformation has been named the Temporal Single System Interpretation, which illustrates Marx's value theory across periods and identifies a tendency towards falling profit rates. It is claimed that falling profits, in turn, are an underlying driver of the systemic propensity towards financialisation, crisis and stagnation. The empirical findings presented, taken from case studies of the UK and Germany, appear to support this view. The central argument is that the response of agents (including the state) to the profit tendency has been a significant driver of the observed financial transformation. The book then concludes that this synthesis provides a more appropriate explanation of the historical transformation of the financial system since the Great Depression, than much of the financialization literature, and illustrates the source (and operation) of financial power in the modern capitalist state and market.

This book chronicles the history of movie censorship in Virginia from the 1920s to 1960s. At its most basic level, it analyzes the project of state film censorship in Virginia. It uses the contestations surrounding film censorship as a framework for more fully understanding the dominant political, economic, and cultural hierarchies that structured Virginia and much of the New South in the mid-twentieth century and ways in which citizens contested these prevailing structures. This study highlights the centrality of gendered and racialized discourses in the debates over the movies and the broader regulatory power of the state. It particularly emphasizes ways in which issues of race, class, gender, and sexuality framed debates over popular culture in the South. It ties the regulation of racial and sexual boundaries in other areas such as public facilities, schools, public transportation, the voting booth, and residential housing to ways in which censors regulated those same boundaries in popular culture. This book shows how the same racialized and gendered social norms and legal codes that placed audience members in different theater spaces also informed ways in which what they viewed on-screen had been mediated by state officials. Ultimately, this study shows how Virginia's officials attempted to use the project of film censorship as the cultural arm of regulation to further buttress the state's political and economic hierarchies of the time period and the ways in various citizens and community groups supported and challenged these hierarchies across the censorship board's forty-three-year history.

Transcending dominant debates of whether Platos Republic is about the ideal state, the soul, art, or education, Ivor Ludlams analysis treats the dialogue as pure conversation. Returning to the original Greek, Ludlam examines the dialogue both in its details and in its entirety. The result is a holistic interpretation wherein Ludlam reveals how each character becomes a paradigm for an aspect of the Republics central themethe apparent good. Ultimately, it is the individual aspects of apparent good that the characters represent that determines the final course of the dialogue.Revisioning the central theme of the Republic through the motivations and interactions of its characters, Ludlam provides an innovative, holistic, and dramatic analysis of this foundational work.

This book is about protest politics and social movements led by a group of women, the ';Mothers,' who were inadvertently drawn into South Korea's democratization movement from the 1970s to the 2000s. The Mothers were female family members of political dissidents of varying backgrounds and agescollege students, political and religious leaders, writers, and factory workers. Women who initially had very little in common developed a bond as the days of their families' detentions accumulated and their ordeals continued. This led them to form a quasi-organization prayer meeting group in the 1970s, which eventually developed into permanent Mothers' organizations in the mid-1980s. The Mothers in this book include both the early- and late-comers to the movement, as the membership has undergone many changes since its inception in the 1970s. While the individual Mothers are the primary focus, this book explores beyond their individual concerns and activities. It discusses various methods the individual Mothers employed to promote their causes and attempts to study how the activities of the organizations founded by the inexperienced Mothers have affected the process of Korea's democratization and how they remain active decades later.

While gender equality has progressed in many sports since the second wave of the feminist movement in terms of women's inclusion, participation, and success, harness horse racing has been recalcitrant to change. Gender, Work, and Harness Racing: Fast Horses and Strong Women in Southwestern Pennsylvania investigates the stories of women involved in harness racing to expose how they use the uniqueness of their situation to work for positive change. With stirring accounts of the strong women who are surviving, and sometimes succeeding, in harness horse racing, Elizabeth Anne Larsen's analysis provides insight for studies of gender and work, occupational sex segregation, and women's studies.

Iris van der Tuin redirects the notion of generational logic in feminism away from its simplistic conception as conflict. Generational logic is said to problematize feminist theory and gender research as it follows a logic of divide and conquer between the old and the young and participates in patriarchal structures and phallologocentrism. Examining the continental philosophies of Bergson and Deleuze and French feminisms of sexual difference, van der Tuin paves the way for a more complex notion of generationality. This new conception of the term views generational cohorts as static measurements that happen in the flow of being. Prioritizing this generative flow gives what is measured its proper place as an effect.Generational Feminism: New Materialist Introduction to a Generative Approach experiments with a previously disregarded methodologys implications as an impetus for a new materialism and advances feminist politics for the twenty-first century.

Missing from the ongoing conversation about the titanic forces reshaping national journalism is the meaning of daily professional journalism in communities where the majority of Americans live. Edgar Simpson spent a year intimately engaged with all the news streams available in two Midwest countiesone where a daily newspaper had closed and one where a daily newspaper continues to operateto better understand and illuminate national news trends and translate them to specific communities. News, Public Affairs, and the Public Sphere in a Digital Nation: Rise of the Audience outlines the clear implications for representative democracy in the face of a daily professional journalism in retreat. If the U.S. system is to thrive, more resources at the community level must be marshaled to support journalism. Further, citizens will have to become increasingly sophisticated in understanding the type of content they are consuming and, more importantly, what information they are not consuming. This book not only puts the problems in stark terms but offers unique, community-based solutions.

Contemporary cosmopolitan moral theorists argue that in our increasingly interconnected world all individuals need to recognize that moral duties span state borders, involving responsibilities such as respecting human rights. Such arguments usually focus on the duties of individuals or on reforms for international political and economic institutions. The Cosmopolitan Potential of Exclusive Associations draws attention to how non-state, not-for-profit transnational associations can advance moral equality in a plurality of less obvious ways. By synthesizing moral theories of cosmopolitanism with international relations scholarship it is possible to establish criteria for assessing whether and to what extent transnational associations like Doctors without Borders or the International Olympic Committee cultivate respect for fellow humans and build transnational communities. As these examples show, not all non-state associations have the purpose of advocating for human rights. Membership is also not necessarily inclusive of all humanity. Membership criteria exclude based on criteria such as professional expertise, athletic prowess, or certain religious beliefs. As a result, assessing their impact requires looking for partial expressions of cosmopolitanism that arise piecemeal and without self-conscious intention. Rather than defending one version of cosmopolitan theory as more applicable to evaluating the impact of associations, adapting and combining four common approaches to cosmopolitanism(1) institutional cosmopolitanism, (2) natural duties cosmopolitanism, (3) cultural cosmopolitanism, and (4) deliberative democratic cosmopolitanismmakes it possible to evaluate institutional, developmental, shared identity, or public sphere effects of associations. Applying the criteria to associations that do not advance cosmopolitanism self-consciously shows the potential for partial forms of cosmopolitanism. Medecins sans Frontieres, the first case explored, provides emergency medical care across the globe without establishing a transnational community with those it aids. The International Olympic Committee, the second case, brings the world together around global games in which national teams compete against each other. Dissidents in the Anglican Communion, the third case, unite globally around an interpretation of the Bible that excludes gay men from ordained ministry. Despite non-cosmopolitan elements, each case has lessons about how respect for moral equality can emerge without self-conscious belief in cosmopolitan moral philosophy.

Liberalism is being called into question both in practice and in principle, from insurgencies at its bloody hinterlands and from the illiberal responses those insurgencies engender within the so-called civilized world, with technological integration creating the conditions for new forms of barbarism.What then are the chances of progress towards a substantial equality of freedoms within this new context of retrograde attitudes framed by the occlusion of others as somehow essentially different? How can we register the significances of cultural distinctions without letting those ';wes' and ';theys' split an emergent global civil society into parochial retro-nations, where belonging knows itself only by exclusion? What is it that is being called out of the spirit of modernity in our seemingly backward-moving age of essentialized others and self-righteous rage? And to the end of inter-cultural understanding, how can we come to know the other, both through the care of others and in ourselves?This work of political theory reflects on how cultures imagine their barbarians in the form of essentialized others, focusing specifically on the kinds of barbarism associated with a civilization devoted to technological progress. In response to the excesses of modernity, the author looks to advances an ethic of difference, inverting the golden rule so as to do unto others as those others would do unto themselves.

Drawing on a decade of their own research from the 2000 to 2012 U.S. presidential elections, Renita Coleman and Denis Wu explore the image presentation of political candidates and its influence at both aggregate and individual levels. When facing complex political decisions, voters often rely on gut feelings and first impressions but then endeavor to come up with a ';rational' reason to justify their actions. Image and Emotion in Voter Decisions: The Affect Agenda examines how and why voters make the decisions they do by examining the influence of the media's coverage of politicians' images. Topics include the role of visual and verbal cues in communicating affective information, the influence of demographics on affective agenda setting, whether positive or negative tone is more powerful, and the role of emotion in second-level agenda setting. Image and Emotion in Voter Decisions will challenge readers to think critically about political information processing and a new way of systematically thinking about agenda setting in elections.

Nietzsche, Tension, and the Tragic Disposition exposes the role of tension in Nietzsche's recovery, in his mature thought, of the Greek tragic disposition. Matthew Tones examines the ontological structure of the tragic disposition presented in Nietzsches earliest work on the Greeks and then explores its presence in points of tension in the more mature concerns with nobility. In pursuing this ontological foundation, Tones builds upon the centrality of a naturalist argument derived from the influence of the pre-Platonic Greeks. He examines the ontological aspect of the tragic disposition, identified in Nietzsche's earliest interpretations of Greek phusis and in the inherent tensions of the chthonic present in this hylemorphic foundation, to demonstrate the importance of tension to Nietzsche's recovery of a new nobility. By bringing to light the functional importance of tension in the ontological for the Greeks, the book identifies varying points of tension present in different aspects of Nietzsche's later work. Once these aspects are elaborated, the evolving influence of tension is shown to play a central role in the re-emergence of the noble who possesses the tragic disposition.With solid argumentation linking Nietzsche with the pre-Platonic Greek tradition, Nietzsche, Tension, and the Tragic Disposition brings new insights to studies of metaphysics, ontology, naturalism, and German, continental, and Greek philosophies.

This book investigates the legal and political evolution of Chinese presidency from the period of its forerunner in the 1930s, its establishment in 1954 to its abolition in 1975, and its restoration in 1982, and discovers that the presidency has evolved from a traditional Chinese title into a political position and then a state institution that has the constitutional appearance of a Western style semi-presidency. However, politically it has functioned in a Stalinist party-state with Chinese characteristics, whose candidates have been produced according to the CCP's step-by-step succession rules designated by the party leaders. Real political decision-making power has not only been limited by these succession rules, but also by the presidents role and status within the CCP's collective supreme body. The author weaves the themes of Chinese politics and law together and explores not only the political implications of those constitutional provisions and amendments regarding this office, but also the constitutional significance of the CCP's major political practices, such as Mao Zedong's ';power of last say,' his idea of ';two fronts,' his controversial abolition of the chairmanship, Deng Xiaoping's idea of ';the nucleus of leadership,' and ';diplomacy of the head of state' by Chinese presidents, thus illuminating how law has been made in those unpredictable political environments and how politics has been defined by law. The author concludes that the office of president is the key to understanding how power in China derives first from the CCP, second from the military, and third from the government loosely prescribed by laws. Even more important, the millennia-old Confucian concept of the charismatic leader is alive and well. While all eyes are on the new incumbent, his predecessors have loomed large and continue to exert significant influence on him. Underlining decades of constitutional evolution and shifting political dynamics have been the changing foreign influences and local demands on China. With so many variables at play, the office of the president will certainly continue to evolve.