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Translation of: Triumf czlowieka pospolitego.

Presents insights into the history and culture of race for which Sowell has become famous. This book argues that as late as the 1940s and 1950s, poor Southern rednecks were regarded by Northern employers and law enforcement officials as lazy, lawless, and sexually immoral.

Former Director of Central Intelligence R. James Woolsey and former Romanian acting spy chief Lt. General Ion Mihai Pacepa, who was granted political asylum in the U.S. in 1978, describe why Russia remains an extremely dangerous force in the world, and they finally and definitively put to rest the question of who killed President Kennedy on November 22, 1963. All evidence points to the fact that the assassination‿carried out by Lee Harvey Oswald‿was ordered by Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, acting through what was essentially the Russian leader‿s personal army, the KGB (now known as the FSB). This evidence, which is codified as most things in foreign intelligence are, has never before been jointly decoded by a top U.S. foreign intelligence leader and a former Soviet Bloc spy chief familiar with KGB patterns and codes. Meanwhile, dozens of conspiracy theorists have written books about the JFK assassination during the past fifty-six years. Most of these theories blame America and were largely triggered by the KGB disinformation campaign implemented in the intense effort to remove Russia‿s own fingerprints that blamed in turn Lyndon Johnson, the CIA, secretive groups of American oilmen, Howard Hughes, Fidel Castro, and the Mafia. Russian propaganda sowed hatred and contempt for the U.S. quite effectively, and its operations have morphed into many forms, including the recruitment of global terror groups and the backing of enemy nation- states. Yet it was the JFK assassination, with its explosive aftermath of false conspiracy theories, that set the model for blaming America first.

"This book expands on Mac Donald's ... reporting on 'the Ferguson effect' and the criminal-justice system. It deconstructs the central narrative of the Black Lives Matter movement: [in Mac Donald's view, it isn't] racist cops [that] are the greatest threat to young black males. On the contrary, it is criminals and gangbangers who are responsible for the high black homicide death rate"--Amazon.com.

"The American people need to understand that we are operating under an administrative state form of government cloaked with an illusion of a republic. To understand how we got here, and how we return to a constitutional republic, you need to read American Leviathan."--Jesse Kelly, host of The Jesse Kelly Show"American Leviathan in an insightful if not chilling historical analysis of how insidiously for over a century progressives have hijacked the power of our elected officials and transferred control over our lives to millions of the unelected in the administrative state. His well-written and engaging account serves as a much needed and timely eleventh-hour clarion call for citizens to wake up and rebirth the republic as the Founders intended."--Victor Davis Hanson, The Hoover Institution, Stanford UniversityAmerican Leviathan is the story of the rise of Progressive Statism and their massive, bureaucratic Administrative State at the turn of the 20th century and how we got to where we are today in the 21st century with governmental abuse by a class of so-called experts. Because of Progressives' quiet regime change over the last century and their replacing the Constitutional Republic with that Administrative State, our government today has very little to do with what the Founders' envisioned. So the question for us today is will we restore the American Republic and actually have a government of, by and for the people? American Leviathan details how an empowered Executive in the White House can actually devolve and break apart the Administrative State that is the leviathan crushing the freedoms of the American people.

During the 20th century, Vietnam and Poland were both victims not only of devastating wars, but also of socialist planned economies that destroyed whatever war hadn't already. In 1990, Vietnam was still one of the poorest countries in the world, while Poland was one of the poorest in Europe. But in the three decades since then, both countries have drastically improved their citizens' standards of living and escaped the vicious cycle of national poverty. In this book, Rainer Zitelmann identifies the reasons behind the sensational growth of both nations' economies, drawing out the lessons that other countries can learn from these two success stories. To explain the source of their success, he returns to Adam Smith's 1776 treatise, The Wealth of Nations: the only way to overcome poverty is through economic growth, Smith wrote, and economic freedom is the crucial prerequisite for such growth. Developments over the past 250 years have proved Smith right. The market economy has led to a global decline in poverty unparalleled in human history. Compare this to the fifty years of "development aid" in Africa that have only entrenched the status quo, and it is clear which approach yields superior results. Despite these strides, almost ten percent of the world's population still lives in extreme poverty. So, what measures actually help to alleviate poverty today? Through a wealth of data and stories from the everyday lives of Polish and Vietnamese people who experienced reforms, Zitelmann demonstrates the persistent relevance of Smith's ideas to economic flourishing in the 21st century.

The premise of this book is that the America envisioned by the Founders-the constitutional republic-can only be saved by the red states. The blue states-notably California, New York and Illinois, but others as well-are already too far gone into woke socialism to recover anytime soon. But the red states themselves, with the possible exception of Florida, are also in trouble in a different way. Having also, like California, been one-party states for so long they have also been corrupted, but in a different way, disconnected from the conservative values of their constituents. The conventional wisdom and fear of red state locals is that the many migrants coming from blue states are closet liberals who will only make things worse. But the reverse is true. Serious constitutional conservatives they have become the cavalry come to rescue the red states from themselves and save our country for our children and grandchildren. The Southbound Train is the story of this unforeseen culture clash, which ultimately, despite great struggle, will have an optimistic ending for our country. The book centers on Tennessee as a paradigm for the red states but refers to others as well.

Political and cultural divisions today leave many wondering how America could have arrived at its present state. This book traces the source to an unlikely historical accident.The founding principles of the American Revolution--that all individuals have unalienable natural rights to life, liberty, and the fruits of their labor, and that governments should exist only to protect these rights--were a singularity in human history. The nation's failure to secure the slaves' equal rights to self-ownership led to a Civil War and the constitutional recognition of this vital principle. And yet, scarcely four decades later, social science faculties at the country's top colleges and universities repudiated the country's founding principles.The cause of this startling change was the education that hundreds of Americans received in German universities in the late 19th century. Germany's professoriate was dominated by state socialists who taught that individuals had no natural rights, only privileges granted to them by the government. American students absorbed these illiberal beliefs and upon their return, those who had earned PhDs established this country's first graduate-level programs and departments. Higher education was transformed, with disastrous results in the social sciences. Generation after generation of students (including those who went on to teach) were inculcated with essentially autocratic beliefs about the relationship of the individual to the state. Over the next several decades, American politics, journalism, law, and education evolved in directions inimical to the nation's founding principles, leaving the country increasingly fractured--not unlike the decades leading up to the first Civil War. This book will trace those changes. It will offer ways to change the trajectory of the country's political and educational culture and how to significantly lower taxes while maintaining government revenues, all, hopefully, to restore the original promise of American life.

This book aims to chronicle the ideological impulse as it has manifested itself since the French Revolution of 1789. Whether in the form of Jacobinism, Marxist-Leninism, National Socialism, Progressive Democracy, the New Left, or the New Woke Dispensation, one witnesses the same impatience with prudent reform and piecemeal change, the same propensity to ideological Manichaeism (people are guilty for who they are--belonging to the wrong class or race--and not what they have done), the same replacement of the age-old distinction between good and evil by the illusory distinction between Progress and Reaction, the same denial of free will and moral agency, and the same desire to to repudiate our civilized patrimony and to negate the very idea of a natural order of things that cannot be engineered out of existence. And, of course, in each manifestation of the Ideological Lie, as the dissidents in the Communist East called it, we witness unrelieved contempt for a self-limiting constitutional order rooted in self-government and the rule of law. In the new Woke Dispensation, self-loathing and limitless contempt for our Western inheritance and American civic tradition are mandatory requirements of commitment to an understanding of "democracy" that is nothing but a "mangled wreck," to cite the memorable words of Abraham Lincoln. The book will also explore the efforts of assorted ideologists and totalitarian fanatics over the last two centuries to create a fictive "Second Reality" to replace the only human condition we know. The books draws on the prophetic and prescient insights of Dostoevsky, Solzhenitsyn, Raymond Aron, Eric Voegelin, and Kenneth Minogue to analyze the ideological war on moderation, common sense, and civilized liberty. It traces the appropriation of fundamentally ideological conceptions of race, class, and "gender" to deny common sense and the mutual moral accountability that underlies a liberal order that continues to honor traditional wisdom and good sense. The book also argues that our failure to learn the right lessons from the totalitarian tragedy of the twentieth century (and to energetically pass on those lessons to new generations) allowed the ideological virus to metastasize in new and terrible ways. With gender theory, for example, our new Jacobins war on human nature (and common sense) in a way that did not even cross the minds of revolutionary nihilists in earlier century. The final sections of the book analyze the nature and roots of the omnipresent "culture of repudiation" as the late Roger Scruton called it, and multiple paths for overcoming it and despotism old and new.

Florida is arguably America's most vibrant and diverse state. It's home to the two leading candidates for the Republican Party's presidential nomination. It is the greatest exemplification of federalism in practice in more than a generation. And Florida is now the undisputed capital of individual liberty and prosperity, political and intellectual conservatism, and--seemingly against all odds--youthful entrepreneurialism. In entertaining and tenacious fashion, The Sunshine State Supremacy will be the definitive explainer of Florida's remarkable ascent, specifically detailing how Governor DeSantis turned his vision of his state as an outpost absent technocratic and woke excesses into a reality for Americans in desperate search of normalcy and freedom.

Who is the American working class? Do they still have a fair shot at the American Dream? What do they think about their chances to secure the hallmarks of a middle-class life? While writing this book, Batya Ungar-Sargon visited states across the nation to speak with members of the American working-class fighting tooth and nail to survive. In Second Class, working-class Americans of all races, political orientations, and occupations share their stories--cleaning ladies, health care aides, cops, truck drivers, fast food workers, electricians, and more. In their own words, these working-class Americans explain the struggles and triumphs of their increasingly precarious lives--as well as what policies they think would improve them. Second Class combines deep reporting with a look at the data and expert opinion on America's emergent class divide, in which the most basic elements of a secure and stable life are increasingly out of reach for those without a college education. America has broken its contract with its laboring class. So, how do we get back to the American Dream? How do we once again become the land of opportunity, the promised land where hard work and commitment to family are enough to protect you from poverty? It's not that hard actually. All it would take, as this book illustrates, is for those in power to once again respect the dignity of work--and the American worker.

An inside perspective of the federal bureaucracy, with personal intrigue and prescriptions for future administrations. "In the United States you can elect any president you want, but a small group of people you've never heard of still run everything - year after year, administration after administration. That's not democracy. It's oligarchy, and Mark Moyar explains exactly how it works." -Tucker CarlsonThis book tells a remarkable true story of bureaucratic assassination during the Trump presidency, revealing in vivid detail how career federal employees thwarted President Trump's efforts to drain the swamp. Mark Moyar, a senior political appointee at the US Agency for International Development, discovered evidence of corruption involving five career bureaucrats and reported it to agency officials in 2018. Senior bureaucrats orchestrated a sophisticated retaliatory plot, which began when a Special Operations general fraudulently accused Moyar of divulging classified information, and ended with the termination of Moyar's employment. The bureau that Moyar had been on track to lead, with an annual budget exceeding $300 million, fell into the hands of one of his bureaucratic assassins. The leading perpetrator of the corruption exposed by Moyar subsequently escaped punishment by transferring to another federal agency. A multi-agency cover-up followed. Moyar sought help from three Offices of the Inspector General-the government's main bulwarks against whistleblower retaliation-but all three conducted flimsy investigations that absolved the bureaucracy. When Senator Charles Grassley demanded that agency officials fill the gaps in the government's story, he was met with lies and evasions. This suspense-filled drama provides an insider's view of the federal bureaucracy's corruption, its weaponization of bureaucratic procedures, and its failures to protect employees from retaliation. In telling his story, Moyar reveals how future administrations can drain the swamp and draws a roadmap for the restoration of integrity to the United States government.

Exposes Arabella Advisors as a major "dark money" operation that channels billions into progressive causes through opaque networks and deceptive grassroots groups, revealing its significant influence on U.S. politics and its far-reaching impact on issues from Supreme Court nominations to election manipulation."Ever heard of Arabella Advisors? Probably not. And that's strange, since they've done a lot to destroy the world you grew up in. You should know, so read this book."--Tucker Carlson While billionaires like George Soros, Bill Gates, and Warren Buffett are well known as left-wing megadonors transforming the country's politics, few Americans know about Arabella Advisors, a "dark money" operation that channels much of this money into particular causes via pop-up groups designed to look like grassroots outfits. Citizens across the spectrum will be shocked to learn how Arabella's empire secretly operates using arrangements that produce the darkest of "dark money." Thanks to the author and his colleagues at the Capital Research Center, which first exposed Arabella, even the mainstream press have begun to report on this scandalous story. As this book reveals, Arabella is a major player in battles over Supreme Court nominations, environmentalism, abortion, Medicare for All, fake local news outlets, "Zuck Bucks" that manipulate election offices, lawsuits brought by Democratic super-lawyer (and Steele dossier booster) Marc Elias, and much more. The money is staggering. In the 2018 election cycle, Arabella's nonprofits took in $1.2 billion, more than double the fundraising of the Democratic National Committee and the Republican National Committee combined. In the 2020 election cycle, Arabella's fundraising spiked to $2.4 billion. This mountain of money explains why the left-leaning major media are alarmed. Arabella is "the indisputable heavyweight of Democratic dark money," warns the Atlantic. A "dark-money behemoth," says Politico. An "opaque network," says the New York Times, that funnels "hundreds of millions of dollars through a daisy chain of groups supporting Democrats and progressive causes."

"This is a reprint of a famous history"--

A law professor's memoir of his own ascendancy from prosecutor to influential legal thinker. From prosecuting murderers in Chicago, to arguing before the Supreme Court, to authoring more than a dozen books, Georgetown University law professor Randy Barnett has played an integral role in the rise of originalism-the movement to identify, restore, and defend the original meaning of the Constitution. Thanks in part to his efforts, by 2018 a majority of sitting Supreme Court justices self-identified as "originalists." After writing seminal books on libertarianism and contract law, Barnett pivoted to constitutional law. His mission to restore "the lost Constitution" took him from the schoolhouse to the courthouse, where he argued the medical marijuana case of Gonzeles v. Raich in the Supreme Court-a case now taught to every law student. Later, he devised and spearheaded the constitutional challenge to Obamacare. All this earned him major profiles in such publications as the  Washington Post, Wall Street Journal, and New York Times. Now he recounts his compelling journey from a working-class kid in Calumet City, Illinois to "Washington Power Breaker," as the Congressional Quarterly Weekly called him. In A Life for Liberty, Barnett writes candidly about his career strategies, and how he overcame his outsider status, his insecurities, and the mistakes he made along the way. The engaging story of his rise from obscurity to one of the most influential thinkers in America is an inspiring how-to guide for anyone seeking real-world advancement of justice and liberty for all.

Trust in American institutions is at historic lows. The answer from the Progressive Left? Make voting and counting ballots even more complicated.Ranked-choice voting is their latest fad to remake elections. It makes voting harder: longer lines, more mistakes, and lower turnout. And it makes election administration so complicated that, in 2022, one California county certified the wrong winner in a school board race.In this Broadside, two election experts explain what ranked-choice voting is, who is behind it, and why it threatens the integrity of our elections.

"Many Americans believe that the United States is in decline. They see a country that has become unrecognizable: where individuals are reduced to their race, ethnicity, or sexual identity; where children are indoctrinated into radical ideologies; where anti-semitism has become widespread. This book explains how all of these ills are rooted in Marxism. To be sure, it is not Soviet Marxism, but a Marxism that was shaped by European intellectuals, adapted and refined by America's student radicals of the 1960s, and diffused throughout the culture as those student radicals became professors, community organizers, and leaders"--

Black Americans have arguably arrived at the height of their cultural prominence. In politics, entertainment, academia, and nearly every sphere of influence, "black issues" dominate the national discussion. Yet many black Americans are suffering more than ever from the blight of poverty, physical and mental health struggles, lack of opportunity, and failing schools. How do these signs of success on the surface coexist with social stagnation on the ground in the black community?This edited volume, sponsored by the Center for Urban Renewal and Education and featuring contributions from W.B. Allen, Judge Janice Rogers Brown (ret.), Ian Rowe, Sally Pipes, Stephen Moore, and others, addresses this question in light of American values and the history of constitutional jurisprudence. In the 1860s, black America was promised emancipation but continued to experience subjugation. In the 1960s, black America was promised equality but was frequently exploited. Racial discrimination played a role, but in the intervening decades misguided progressive policies and the normalization of victimhood rhetoric has proven even more disastrous. By failing to live up to American ideals, our nation denied many black Americans their chance at the American Dream. The scholars and luminaries who contributed to this volume believe that what has been lost can be recovered. If our nation recognizes the history of our current predicament, embraces the founding principles that made America an economic powerhouse, and commits to an agenda of empowering fiscal, educational, and faith and family-affirming policies, then black Americans can overcome the obstacles that most hamper progress in their communities.

Since there are many famous writers - for example, Balzac, Proust Oscar Wilde - buried in Pere Lachaise cemetery in Paris, Anthony Daniels reasoned that there must be many more forgotten ones. And so it turned out. They are not forgotten because they were bad or uninteresting writers, and when the author disinterred their writings he found a literary and historical treasure trove.

Charles R. Kesler, an eminent scholar and prodigious editor, has exerted a profound influence on the study of American politics and the practice of American conservatism.A precocious high-school student, he impressed a visiting William F. Buckley Jr. who, before becoming a life-long friend, wrote him a recommendation letter to Yale. Kesler asked for another—to Harvard, where he completed his undergraduate degree and earned a PhD under the legendary professor Harvey C. Mansfield. An early passion for political journalism, played out largely on the pages of National Review, led Kesler to author an NR cover story on his third great influence, Harry V. Jaffa.Kesler became a faculty colleague of Jaffa’s at Claremont McKenna College and Claremont Graduate University and is perhaps best known as the editorial helmsman of the Claremont Review of Books. The author of I Am the Change: Barack Obama and the Crisis of Liberalism and Crisis of the Two Constitutions: The Rise, Decline, and Recovery of American Greatness, Kesler also co-edited (with William F. Buckley Jr.) Keeping the Tablets: Modern American Conservative Thought. His edited volume edition of The Federalist Papers is the best-selling edition version in the country.In this volume, Kesler’s students, friends, and colleagues commemorate his four-decade career as a teacher, mentor, and scholar.

The Founding Fathers were men of high intellect, steely integrity, and enormous ambition—but they were not all of one mind. They came from particular places in already diverse colonies, and they all sought their futures in different horizons. Without reliable maps of even nearby terrain, they contributed in different, and sometimes conflicting, ways to the expansion of a young republic on the seaboard edge of a continent of whose vast expanses they were largely ignorant. Mental Maps of the Founders explores the geographic orientation—the mental maps—of six of the Founders. Three were Virginians, who vied to expand their new nation toward different points of the compass. One, a refugee from Puritan Boston to more tolerant Philadelphia, built a commercial and journalistic empire spanning seaboard colonies and the West Indies. Two came from buzzing commercial entrepots of glaringly different character, the sugar-and-slave island of St. Croix in the Caribbean and the stern Swiss Calvinistic city-state of Geneva. These disparate origins informed their foundation and management of a financial and taxation system that enabled the new republic’s commerce to thrive. Inspired by the many wonderful books about the Founding Fathers, the journalist, map lover, and longtime co-author of The Almanac of American Politics Michael Barone set out to explore the geographical orientation—the mental maps—of the Founders. In a series of reflective essays, Barone shows how the Founders’ mental maps helped develop the contours and character of a young republic whose geographical features and political boundaries were yet unknown.

Over the past few years, sustainable investing—which is based on the theory that subjectiveenvironmental, social and governance or ESG factors should drive corporate policy and investmentdecisions—has swept across Wall Street, spurred on by the United Nations, sovereign governments andfinancial regulators and cheered on by academics, environmental activists, social justice warriors andthe media. To date, there has been little public resistance or analytical pushback as the ESG orthodoxyhas integrated itself into almost every corner of the financial markets. By 2030, the iron curtain ofsustainability will have fully descended across Wall Street. This book is meant to provide a detailedrebuttal to the case for sustainable investing from the perspective of a long-time Wall Street analyst andinvestor and latter-day finance professor. Sustainable investing is a scam because it is not aboutgenerating excess returns for investors or furthering ethical goals such as improving society or savingthe planet; rather, it is about controlling the world’s financial system and determining the allocation ofcapital and investment flows across the markets. It is liberal progressive politics masquerading asfinance whose objective is to create a compliant corporate sector that serves as both Greek chorus andfunding source for the environmental and social causes championed by government and the elite class.This book is designed to expose this truth in plain-spoken language—free of financial jargon—to reachthe widest possible audience, including the silent majority on Wall Street now afraid to speak up aboutESG.

Both of the authors found themselves savagely "canceled" by their peers in Japanese studies programs in the U.S. for refusing to follow the Woke line on the World War II "comfort women."  Contrary to the party line in American humanities departments, the women were not slaves.  They were prostitutes.  And the notion that they were anything but prostitutes owes itself to a hoax perpetrated by a Japanese communist author in the 1980s.  Any serious Japanese intellectual (of any political perspective) understands this, and many intellectuals in South Korea understand it as well.  It is a mark of the intellectual bankruptcy of the hyper-politicized humanities departments that they continue to cling to this 1980s-vintage hoax.      Through its "comfort women" framework, the Japanese military extended its licensing regime for domestic brothels to the brothels next to its overseas bases.  Through that regime, it imposed the strenuous health standards it needed to control the venereal disease that had debilitated its troops in earlier wars.  These "comfort stations" recruited their prostitutes through variations on the standard indenture contracts that the licensed brothels had used in both Korea and Japan.  Some women took the jobs because they were tricked by fraudulent recruiters.  Some took them under pressure from abusive parents.  But the rest seem to have taken the jobs for the money.

The great expedition to Sicily described in the sixth and seventh books of Thucydides' history can be depicted in a variety of ways. By some, it has been thoughtfully treated as an example of overreaching on the part of the Athenians. By others, it has been singled out as a sterling example of patriotism, courage, and grit on the part of the Syracusans. Never until now, however, has anyone examined this conflict from a Spartan perspective - despite the fact that Lacedaemon was the war's principal beneficiary and that her intervention with the dispatch of a single Spartiate turned the tide and decided the outcome. In Sparta's Sicilian Proxy War, Paul Rahe first outlines the struggle's origins and traces its progress early on, then examines the reasons for Sparta's intervention, analyzes the consequences, and retells the story of Athens' ignominious defeat. Rarely in human history has a political community gained so much at so little cost through the efforts of a single man.

Some Problems with Autobiography, Brian Brodeur's fourth collection, grapples with the porous and fragmentary nature of midwestern American identity in poems that range across prosodic forms and hybrid genres. By turns self-mocking, meditative, and tragi-comic, this book explores the perils of digital technologies, ecological uncertainties, and the inadequacy of language to convey our collective distress, asking how much pleasure and hardship the human heart can bear. Brodeur's narrative poems feature a dramatis personae rare in contemporary poetry, including a Syrian refugee enrolled in a writing workshop, the wife of an accused serial killer shopping defense lawyers, a horny psychoanalyst confessing a dream, and a carpenter working for the Department of Education during New York City's first lockdown. From dramatic-monologue sonnets and narrative sestinas to discursive lyrics cast in Rubáiyát stanzas and Alcaic strophes, Some Problems with Autobiography brings ancient modes into startlingly contemporary contexts.