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According to detractors, Captain Cook’s centricity to the founding of Australia is a harmful colonialist “myth”. The man many of them blame for starting that myth is Sir Joseph Carruthers, one of the Fathers of Federation. Just in time for the 250th anniversary of Cook’s landing at Kurnell, the reader can now judge for themselves. Carruthers believed that Cook’s life was a meritocratic success story that should be held up as an example for his young nation to emulate. His passion was so infectious that it not only won over the Australian public, but managed to unite the whole of the English-speaking Pacific to come together to celebrate their greatest pioneer.

The term “dissenting opinions” is normally used in the law to describe the judgments of those members of appellate courts who take a different view in a particular case from their colleagues who form the majority and effectively decide the question before the court. I have used it, however, in relation to this collection of articles and book reviews published over several decades because they proposed in the main a departure from what might be characterised as the conventional wisdom, that is, the views and values of those who preside over most public and private intuitions in Australia, including much of the media.I do not suggest for a moment that there has been any disadvantage to myself as a result of these publications but I have suggested in some of the pieces concerning the relatively recent phenomenon of political correctness that this climate of conformity has had a chilling effect on public debate. And that young people embarking on their careers now have to be wary of expressing unconventional opinions.This is even – and perhaps particularly – so in universities which historically were places where established ideas were always open to challenge.Although some of these pieces are from earlier periods, most concern questions that are still controversial and can be taken as a contribution to those on-going discussions. Most importantly, however, they represent the hope that there will be much greater scope in the immediate future for the full-blooded public debate of social, economic and political issues in Australia.

“This book enriches our collective understanding and appreciation of the Himalaya Clause in the context of maritime law.”--The Hon Justice Sarah C DerringtonThe Himalaya Clause traces the demise of the Privity Rule in maritime endeavours. This book provides its readers with a comparative understanding of the Clause across key jurisdictions, including common law, civil law, and mixed legal systems. The author and contributor consider not only the relevant legislation which gives rights to third parties under a maritime contract, but also discuss the commercial consequences of the demise of the Privity Rule for carriers and other actors involved in maritime adventures. The book enriches the knowledge of practising maritime lawyers, international businesspeople, academics, and students.Gabriël A Moens AM is Emeritus Professor of Law, The University of Queensland, and Adjunct Professor of Law, The University of Notre Dame, Sydney, and Curtin University. He is the co-author of Vivienne Bath and Gabriël Moens, ‘Law of International Business in Australasia,’ 2nd ed, The Federation Press, 2019.Bruno Zeller, B. Com, B. Ed, Master of International Trade Law (Deakin), Ph.D (The University of Melbourne). Professor of Transnational Commercial Law, University of Western Australia. Adjunct Professor Murdoch University and Sir Zelman Cowen Centre, Victoria University, Melbourne.

Lyle Shelton takes readers on a rare behind-the-scenes tour of culture wars. “I Kid You Not”, is because the Left has gotten away with things most Australians would find incredible, if only they knew.  Before #MeToo, Shelton fought the legalised sexual abuse of young women. On human rights for the unborn, his revelations of politicians turning a blind eye to the evil of eugenics is shocking. He details the bombing of the Australian Christian Lobby’s office and its poor handling by the Australian Federal Police. Chapters on “Safe Schools” and the 2017 marriage plebiscite are a sad tale of what could have been. Shelton ends with a compelling call for good people to rise and pay the price for a better future.

In virtually any state in the Commonwealth I believe you could ask an adult in their 40’s or above to name a state leader and the majority of them could name Joh – no other State Premier left such an indelible mark on the national psyche.Some Queenslanders may talk about strong development and a long period of stability. Others, particularly those from southern states will talk of gerrymanders, corruption, white shoe brigades, civil liberty infringements or daylight savings. But many will talk of a man who oversaw perhaps the most dramatic and positive changes the State has ever undergone.Whether loved or reviled, Johannes Bjelke-Petersen was a polarising figure, and an indisputably successful one. But too many are quick to dismiss this incredibly successful politician as an aberration of the oddity that is Queensland.To understand Joh a little better, this monograph considers Joh’s period in office from the following perspectives:His success in moving the Country Party from a rural base to gaining and holding urban seatsHis role in assisting in the downfall of the Whitlam governmentHis economic management, overseeing Queensland’s transition from a rural economy to a vibrant and rapidly expanding one and creating funding processes from which the State still benefitsHis masterful understanding of the mood of the electorate in dealing with the likes of power strikes, anti-Springbok riots or street marchesHis market fundamentalism which potentially allowed corruption in commercial activities for tangible benefits for the state

Articles exploring the role of the State in focing economies to be placed in hypernation to fight the COVID-19 pandemic. Articles from Jeffrey Tucker, Marc Hendrickx and Daniel Wild.Essays Include:Our Ten Days that Shook the World -- Jeffrey Tucker"We tried to “flatten the curve” to preserve hospital capacity, but this is just a fancy way of saying “prolong the pain.” It was a form of rationing access to medical services, seemingly necessary given the scoliosis of this highly regulated industrial sector. But the political class and their modelers only considered one kind of pain. Other forms of pain are already here in the form of mass unemployment, waves of bankruptcy, rising despair, social division and anger, a panicked political class, and a seething fury on the part of millions of people – who had long taken their right to work and associate as a given – who suddenly find themselves under house arrest."

This new book was written whilst Andrew has been in the Parliament, principally between July 2019 and February 2020.Few understand superannuation well and the industry has revelled in its opacity for 30 years. It is Australia’s biggest closed shop.The point of this monograph is to encourage the nation to change direction on super. Not to junk it, but to make it work.Put simply, if it isn’t working, why are we doing it?As Australia faces the Coronavirus, it is clear the nation cannot afford indulgences that do not work.”

Philip Ruddock was commended for conviction and condemned for cruelty in his management of Australia’s Immigration program between 1996 and 2003. As Australia’s longest-serving Minister for Immigration and second longest-serving Federal parliamentarian, he won praise in the 1970s and 1980s for his strong commitment to human rights and refugee resettlement but in the 1990s and 2003 drew sharp criticism for offshore processing and the mandatory detention of asylum seekers. A reserved man, Ruddock did not display his emotions when confronted with human tragedy or angry protests. His reserved manner led to allegations he was uncaring and callous. This book is the first extended treatment of Ruddock’s political career, focussing specifically on Immigration and the place of compassion in the development and administration of public policy. It will interest students of Australian politics, particularly the Howard era, and engage anyone committed to the exercise of moral virtues and ethical values in national life.

This is the third collection of Tony Thomas’s best work. It ranges from zany travels in the PNG Highlands to a reporter’s career highlights and lowlights since he first opened a shorthand notebook in 1958. With his solid knowledge of the global warming controversies, he mocks the absurdities in essays like “Eaten by a tiger? Blame climate change” and “Green lunacy at the Parkville Asylum” i.e. Melbourne University.You’ll love his affectionate spoofing of air hero Biggles, Germaine Greer and an unlikely Rotarian, Richard Sorge, who was Stalin’s spy in Tokyo. Tony also lays bare a catastrophic Perth dinner party pitting drug-fuelled author Xavier Herbert against future Governor-General Paul Hasluck and author Mary Durack.His long-researched pieces involve the disastrous 15 months in office of an alcoholic vice-regal couple at WA’s Government House, and Prime Minister Menzies’ support for economy-wide price-fixing cartels (Tony was personally involved in both sagas). Quirky, wide-ranging, packed with insights … here’s a collection to savour. 

Why take up the strongest arguments? In this primer, our method starts by taking up the best arguments for and against liberalism. I make fifteen arguments for liberalism and fifteen against. These fifteen arguments on opposite sides of the debate are not exhaustive, but they include those that have had the most staying power over the long history of argument and counter-argument about liberalism. The reason they have had that staying power is that each identifies and stresses a genuinely important value at stake in politics...

In 1968 the new Prime Minister, John Gorton, appointed Ainsley Gotto, aged 22, as his principal private secretary.  Ainsley became one of the most talked-about young women in Australia.  Hitherto, no woman had been so close to the centre of power, and certainly none was known publicly to be so close.Ainsley refused to see herself as a role model for secretaries and said she could not understand what the Women’s Liberation Movement was all about.  She thought her performance in the job answered the senior public servants, conservative Liberal politicians and some business leaders who considered it inappropriate that ‘a mere girl’ should exercise ‘power and influence’.  In November 1969, when Dudley Erwin was dumped from the Gorton ministry, he memorably and wrongly identified the cause of his removal: ‘it wiggles, it’s shapely and its name is Ainsley Gotto.’ Ainsley became a celebrity, renamed in the tabloid press as ‘Miss Wiggle’ or ‘The Wiggle’.Leaving Gorton in 1972 Ainsley took several jobs in what she called her ‘afterlife’. Remaining obsessively private, Ainsley was a great networker in a national and international setting, and her diaries are full of meetings with the rich, the powerful, the titled and the very interesting. Yet, although Ainsley’s connections, sharp mind and social skills opened many doors, she needed more than her ‘unique experience’ of government to replicate the excitement and fulfilment of her years with Gorton. This book describes and explains Ainsley’s rise from a typing pool and shows how the Gorton years provided her with many opportunities but ill-equipped her to take advantage of them and probably cost her lasting personal happiness. 

"It has never been harder for parents to protect their childrens' innocence than it is in the digital age. Faced with adult concepts and confronting images in public places, online or at times where parents cannot always be present, we need to arm our children with the skills they need to cope. Wendy Francis has prepared a much-needed and age-appropriate resource to help parents educate their children to withstand the challenges of the digital age." r

Sensible reform demands reflection on its purpose, and acceptance of responsibility for its outcomes. It will decentralise education so it can serve local communities and focus on the fundamentals. It does not involve extravagant spending on the trivial, the transient and the trendsetting, but expects participation and makes sure every voice is heard.Marching Schools Forward focuses on 20 important principles. It stimulates thought and opens debate on many vital questions.Education must be about families, educators and policymakers contributing to a shared agreement about what kind of education is ‘suitable’ for each and every one of our children – now and into the future.