Gjør som tusenvis av andre bokelskere
Abonner på vårt nyhetsbrev og få rabatter og inspirasjon til din neste leseopplevelse.
Ved å abonnere godtar du vår personvernerklæring.Du kan når som helst melde deg av våre nyhetsbrev.
This book is written as a tribute to Frederick Nixson¿s extensive work on industrial development in the Global South, while seeking to actively engage with the latest arguments concerning development economics, together with changes in manufacturing and industrial policy that continue to shape the role of the Global South in the international economy, the impact of the increased concentration of global multinational corporations in that space, along with the rise of new financing tools and debt traps. The chapters pay homage to Fred¿s broad view of the international development process and reflect his breadth of perception both theoretically and geographically. The book targets both the scholarly and policymaking audience.
This book is about the remarkable trade conflict between two agricultural superpowers with a focus on Brazil¿s rapid agricultural modernization in recent decades and its impact on trade policy formation and global economic governance. Previous research, including Black (2016), trace the origins and evolution of the cotton dispute up to the August 31, 2009 final arbitration ruling that authorized Brazil to impose retaliatory trade measures to compel U.S. compliance. Inside the Cotton Dispute offers a comprehensive examination of the bilateral relations and negotiations that culminated with the October 2014 mutual solution to one of the most important trade conflicts since the establishment of the World Trade Organization.
This book uses the idea of internal cohesion through intra-BRICS cooperation to make the argument that the next phase in the evolution of BRICS is to strengthen cooperation among BRICS countries in the implementation of decisions taken. There is a risk that what the BRICS promises and what it represents both in the eyes of its friends and foes might not materialise in the absence of central institutions. So, the book calls for the deepening intra-BRICS cooperation across all policy areas where there are already undertakings could help mitigate this risk.
In 2018, the city of Cape Town faced the prospect of reaching ¿day zerö, that is a combination of natural and human-made factors leading to the complete collapse of its municipal water supply. While the rains eventually fell and a major disaster was averted, the fear of running out of water looms large in the psyche of residents in many cities around the world. Water is a non-substitutable, essential, finite and fugitive resource. It is the lifeblood of human endeavour. Cities, through global processes such as Agenda 2030 and forums such as ICLEI exchange best practices for achieving water security. These forums also are collective social spaces occupied by civil society organizations who share strategies and tactics, and the private sector, who compete for markets and contracts, promoting patent-protected technologies. It is these groups ¿ states, civil societies, private sectors ¿ coming together who determine who gets what water, when, and where. It is the job of academics to understand the how and why, and of (academic-)activists to fight for equity of access and sustainability of use. Evidence drawn from around the world and over time consistently shows that water flows toward money and power. Outcomes are too-often socially inequitable, environmentally unsustainable and economically inefficient. How to shift existing processes toward improved practices is not clear, but positive outcomes do exist. In this collection, we compare and contrast the challenges and opportunities for achieving urban water security with a focus on 11 major world cities: Bangalore, Beijing, Cairo, Cape Town, Chennai, Istanbul, Jakarta, London, Melbourne, Sao Paulo and Tokyo. Through the theoretical, conceptual and practical insights provided in these case studies, our collection constructively contributes to a global conversation regarding the ways and means of ¿avoiding day zerö.
This book argues that the lack of adequate theories of contemporary capitalism is due to the increasing separation of the sub-disciplines of Comparative and International Political Economy. Theorizing only takes place in one of the two over-specialized sub-disciplines of Political Economy, thereby leading to a neglect of the interplay between national and international dimensions of capitalism. The author seeks to rectify this gap by developing a theory of Second Image IPE. Based on the ¿second image¿ notion developed by Kenneth Waltz, he furthers the classical theoretical approaches as developed by Peter Gourevitch and Peter Katzenstein. For this purpose, he incorporates recent analytical developments in Comparative Capitalism and Growth Model analysis. The book demonstrates the usefulness of Second Image IPE theory by studying the major empirical topics of Global Political Economy, including security, finance, regional integration, trade, production and global order.
This book builds upon Foucauldian scholarship¿s compelling interrogations that have contributed to the changing conceptualization of the premises of the discipline of International Relations.This epistemological ¿glasnost¿ facilitates the analysis of the United Nations General Assembly endorsed ¿responsibility to protect¿ (R2P) as not merely a security but a security/development measure. This book unpacks the conditions that on one hand necessitate such measures and on the other hand, allow the subsequent dilution of their radical promise. This framing and analysis of R2P has implications beyond R2P. Increasingly, citizens converted into populations are shepherded by the state to chambers of partial, if not total surrender of civil liberties, standard of living, and well-being. The COVID-19 pandemic accelerated such measures for people in the Global South, who since the inception of the post Second World War order continue to await their turn to be the beneficiary ofdevelopment. The development, initially prescribed by the modernization theorists, echoed subsequently in the 1980s by the good governance promoter¿World Bank¿continues to elude most in the Global South. Indeed, the region¿s political and economic instability is often the site that renders as a truism, Foucault¿s upending of Clausewitz¿s dictum¿¿War is the pursuit of politics by other means¿¿with ¿Politics is the pursuit of war by other means.¿ The thanatopolitics (politics of death) of these ¿failed,¿ ¿failing,¿ or ¿flailing,¿ states, is the reason why their populations are seen to be in frequent need for the operationalization of the international community¿s ¿responsibility to protect.¿
This book brings together researchers from different analytical perspectives for the study of contemporary geoeconomics to create a broader and more useful catalogue of conceptual tools, empirical entry points, and case studies around the subject. The distinctive contribution this book offers is its firm rooting in International Political Economy and the hitherto under-researched geoeconomics dynamics of Europe. Many existing accounts of geoeconomics have been developed in International Relations and often reproduce some of the state-centric and static assumptions of the discipline. Recent scholarship furthermore tends to focus on the US-China rivalry, thus discounting the role of other global powers in shaping geoeconomics. As a first collective contribution to the topic in the field of International Political Economy, the book stands to become a major reference point in the field for the coming years. Interest in geoeconomics as well as in related concepts like weaponized interdependence or emerging new rivalries has been on the rise in recent years and will be one of the key research areas in the coming decade of transition and change in Europe and beyond.Chapters 1, 2 and 7 are available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.
Rising inequality, the advance of far-right populism, ecological and climatic catastrophe and the scourge of global pandemic disease ¿ these are among the defining crises of our time. Addressing the governing challenges posed by each requires a more expansive vision of the scope and possibilities of state action than political scientists and economists have furnished to date. In Statecraft and the Political Economy of Capitalism political economists Scott G. Nelson and Joel T. Shelton examine several key social and political dynamics of advanced capitalism for insights into the fate of equality, community and solidarity. In chapters addressing divergent problems and spanning several centuries, statecraft is presented as a conceptual lens through which the art and practice of public action is continually rearticulated in response to the shifting economic, social and political conditions of a given epoch. The authors examine several consequential moments in the long tradition of political economy in relation to the governing predicaments of the present day, highlighting those predicaments that bear upon the well-being of all people, especially society¿s most vulnerable. The book thus reintroduces the creative and purposive aspects of governing to the study and practice of Political Economy, a field that has been too preoccupied with technical, institutional and procedural aspects of economic management. Framing problems of governing national and global economies in relation to the craft of the state means searching out continuities between capitalism's early promise and present peril.
This book addresses two of the most relevant yet understudied questions in field of International Political Economy (IPE): 1) what explains the trade policy preferences of the organizations that represent economic producers in the political sphere?; and 2) how they are formed? Specifically, it focuses on the evolution of the preferences of industry peak organizations in Brazil and Argentina, the National Confederation of Industry (CNI) -and the Sao Paulo Federation of Industries (FIESP) - in the first case, and the Argentine Industrial Union (UIA) in the second, regarding Mercosur's preferential trade agreements (PTA) negotiation agenda between 2010 and 2020. The author proposes a novel explanation, which combines elements from the open economy politics (OEP) paradigm with insights from ideational IPE. This book will appeal to research scholars, postgraduate and advanced undergraduate students, policymakers and professionals working in the fields of trade and industrial policies, trade agreements and negotiations, regionalism and government-business relations.
Abonner på vårt nyhetsbrev og få rabatter og inspirasjon til din neste leseopplevelse.
Ved å abonnere godtar du vår personvernerklæring.