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This book relates the political history of mid-nineteenth-century Britain to the assumptions which then prevailed about the abstract moral purposes of political activity. A great number of mid-Victorian writers and politicians expressed far-reaching hopes for the future development of British society, indeed for its regeneration; and such hopes were inspired by their religious outlook.

This study examines the Law Reports of Sir John Davies and litigation pleaded before the central Irish courts during the period in which Davies served in Ireland as solicitor-general (1603-6) and attorney-general (1606-19). The author's main concern is to explicate the legal and jurisprudential issues involved and to draw out their deeper political implications. He argues that, in the absence of a malleable parliament, judge-made law became the instrument by which the Jacobean regime consolidated the Tudor conquest. The book also touches on the influence of the implementation of the law on the Irish coinage, Gaelic tenurial customs and religious conformity. More controversial themes include the origins of precedent in the Anglo-American legal tradition, the use of continental civil law in common law litigation and the relationship of early modern Ireland to the development of an imperial jurisprudence.

In this work, which has survived only in manuscript form and in Italian, Gardiner analyses the great dynastic changes in England's past in order to provide Phillip II with a guide to ruling England and establishing a Catholic dynasty. Gardiner's work is perhaps the clearest example of an attempt to relate Machiavelli's political theories to practical political problems.

Includes selections from the most important and representative writings of the philosopher, economist, social reformer and political activist August Cieszkowski (1814-1894), whose daring critique of Hegel marked the beginning of the radicalization of the Hegelian school.

Ever since the discovery of Marx's Early Writings, most of the literature concerned with Marx's intellectual development has centered around the so-called gap between the 'young' Marx who was considered to be humanist thinker, and the 'older' Marx, who was held to be a determinist with little concern for anything outside his narrow theory of historical materialism.

The concluding volume of Maurice Cowling's magisterial sequence examines three related strands of thought - latitudinarianism, the Christian thought which has assumed that latitudinarianism gives away too much, and the post-Christian thought which has assumed that Christianity is irrelevant or anachronistic.

The passage of the Reform Bill of 1867 is one of the major problems in nineteenth-century British history. Mr Cowling provides a full-scale explanation, based on a wide range of archive material, including four major manuscript collections not previously used.

In order to present an overall view of the development of Hegel's political thinking the author has drawn on Hegel's philosophical works, his political tracts and his personal correspondence.

This book is primarily an account of the initiatives of politicians and their reactions to one another.

This book deals with the thought of William Harrison, a well-known Elizabethan intellectual and an exponent of the thoroughgoing Protestantism which adapted continental reformed ideas to the circumstances of Tudor England.

First published in 1977, this book offers an analysis of one of the most complex and difficult periods in British politics. The author discusses the basic principles under which politicians operated, whether Whig or Tory, during the "post-Revolution" period.

In this volume Maurice Cowling makes a further contribution to understanding the role which Christianity has played in modern English thought, showing the intimacy of the connections between the political, philosophical, literary and religious assumptions that are to be found among the leaders of the English intelligentsia.

In this volume Maurice Cowling makes a further contribution to understanding the role which Christianity has played in modern English thought, showing the intimacy of the connections between the political, philosophical, literary and religious assumptions that are to be found among the leaders of the English intelligentsia.

This book is a complete translation of Marx's critical commentary on paragraphs 261-313 of Hegel's major work in political theory. In this text Marx subjects Hegel's doctrine on the internal constitution of the state to a lengthy analysis. It was Marx's first attempt to expose and criticize Hegel's philosophy in general and his political philosophy in particular.

This book analyses the origins of modern party politics in America. Dr Zvesper argues that the partisan conflict between Federalists and Republicans in the 1790s was not merely an interesting historical sequel to the American Revolution and the framing of the Constitution, but was a confrontation of two of the fundamental alternatives of modern political philosophy.

The third Marquis of Salisbury was one of the most successful political practitioners of modern times, as well as a major international statesman. The large body of journalism which he produced during the first thirty years of his career enables us to examine in detail the views on politics and society which underlay his practical action.

An English translation of Hegel's introduction to his lectures on the philosophy of history, based directly on the standard German edition by Johannes Hoffmeister, first published in 1955. The previous English translation, by J. Sibree, first appeared in 1857 and was based on the defective German edition of Karl Hegel, to which Hoffmeister's edition added a large amount of new material previously unknown to English readers, derived from earlier editors. In the introduction to his lectures, Hegel lays down the principles and aims which underlie his philosophy of history, and provides an outline of the philosophy of history itself. The comprehensive and voluminous survey of world history which followed the introduction in the original lectures is of less interest to students of Hegel's thought than the introduction, and is therefore not included in this volume.

This book explores the relationship between Calvin's thought about civil and ecclesiastical order and his own circumstances and activities.

Dr Holmes concentrates on the two principal dilemmas which faced Catholics: whether they should remain loyal to the Queen or might resist her government. He sees the Catholic response to both these problems as being an interplay between the desire to resist and the need to find compromise with the political and religious status quo.

Hume's satirical allegory recounts the relations between England (John Bull of Bull-hall) and Scotland (Sister Peg of Thistledown) from earliest times until April 1760 when a bill to extend the militia to Scotland was defeated in parliament due to the opposition of the Duke of Newcastle, Lord Hardwicke and Pitt.

In this book Dr Clark provides the key component for such a new synthesis by a detailed exposition of the crisis of the 1750s, which was instrumental in the destruction of the party system and the emergence of new practices in the multi-factional world.

This book is about the grounds of ethical life, or the nature and basis of our ethical obligations. Charvet considers the ideas of the freedom and equality of men and shows that there is a radical incoherence underlying them which consists in the failure to integrate in a coherent way the particular and the moral or communal dimensions of individual life.

Most accounts of Bentham treat him as a prophet of either utilitarianism or of liberal democracy. This book discusses a less familiar but very important aspect of his political thought: his theory of how government institutions should be organised in order to function as efficient and yet responsive guardians of the community's interests.

At the time of the Dreyfus Affair and the start of the Action Francaise, Charles Maurras pressed forward the idea, borrowed from Auguste Comte, of an alliance between Positivists and Catholics. This study of Maurrassian ideology and Catholic reactions to it explores a wide range of themes.

First published in 1980, this essay on the Frankfurt School deals with one of the most important threads in the story of cultural migration from Europe which began in the 1930s. The purpose of this book is to convey an overall sense of the continuities and discontinuities in the concerns of the school's core members over two generations.

When Lloyd George became Prime Minister during the First World War he appointed a private secretariat to help him run the complex machinery of wartime government.

Professor Franklin here explains a major innovation associated with the English Civil Wars. It was only now, he shows, that there finally emerged a theory of sovereignity and resistance that was fully compatible with a mixed constitution.

This study is an exercise in the history of political perception and opinion.

Describes the relationship between British party politics and the conduct of British foreign policy between 1933 and 1940.

The St Bartholomew's Day Massacre of 1572 polarised French constitutional ideas. Appearing on one side was a radicalised version of the French constitution. On the other side was the theory of royal absolutism systematically developed by Bodin. The central thesis of this book is that Bodin's absolutism was as unprecedented as the doctrine it opposed.